The concept of “rural community （Dorf-gemeinde）” has always been discussed by the members of the Japanese Association for Rural Studies, as there were discrepancies in its definition among agricultural economists, economic historians, and sociologists. Given the discrepancies, we should conceptualize it as an analytical model for the sociological analysis. We put it as a communal organization for producing and living based upon the commonage of the means of production.
　　　Field surveys at fishing villages in Shima Peninsula were planned to verify the relation between commonage of the means of production in fishery and formation of the communal organization. Through surveys at different types of fishing villages, we found that the types of fishery rule the social characteristics of the fishermen’s cooperative association, which had a large effect on the social structure of villages.
　　　As to farming in Atsumi Peninsula, it was developed only after the completion of Toyogawa Irrigation Canal in 1968. Each farming village in Atsumi Peninsula runs farming like field agriculture, frame culture, and complex agriculture which are suitable in its location. The average of agricultural income in this area has now become the highest in Japan. Field surveys at the farming villages in Atsumi Peninsula were conducted utilizing the same method mentioned above. Here, we have found that the social characteristics of the agricultural cooperative associations correlates with the social structure of villages, as well.

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　　　The purpose of this paper is to clarify the reason why responses to rice production adjustment policy are different between the core and periphery rice fields. Although a considerable number of studies have been made about collective changing crops especially for reorganizing the land use of paddy fields in rice production adjustment policy, theoretical explanations to achieve collective changing crops are explained either by productivism which emphasizes a notion of communal possession, or by incentives which subsidies afford to farmers. However, both debates are mutually incompatible and can’t explain satisfactorily the reason for different responses. The problem is that both of the debates fail to grasp the spatial characteristics of society, that is to say, the rural space has been differentiated unevenly in the global process of modernization. I explain this trend by the land development process in the case of a brand rice producing district, Tunan-machi Niigata prefecture, and also explain how the spatial characteristics are related to opposing responses to adjustment programs. The facts that I found in this case are as follows.
　　　1）Responses to rice production adjustment programs have apparently varied between the core and periphery rice fields, and only one village in the periphery continued to achieve collective changing crops. The relation between the core and periphery rice fields is accelerated by the brand rice production and the tourist industry which reflects the land development process in this region.
　　　2）Opposing responses between the core and periphery depend on the way “community” is perceived by the villagers living in a particular space in a particular context. In the context of adjustment programs, the “community” is negatively imagined in the core, and positively in the periphery. The reason why contrasting images are constructed is that such images emerge with the norm, which gives rise to the collective responsibility among the community members to legitimize the particular uses of the land. Put simply, the land in the core is legitimized as brand rice producing paddy fields, so that the villagers don’t change crops collectively. The land in the periphery is the other side of the coin, so that the villagers have possibility to change crops collectively. All these things make it clear that local responses to adjustment programs are ideologically related to uneven global land development.

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　　　The paddy rice production in Heilongjiang Province recorded only 0.8million tons with the area of some 0.21 million ha. in 1980, but increased up to 4.24 million tons with 0.74 million ha. in 1993. There are several reasons for this increment, but the most salient one could be due to “the introduction of paddy nursery technique in upland bed” which was developed in Japan. Further more this technique was also extended to Jilin and Liaoning Province after 6 years of its first introduction, and this changed these provinces from millet and milo production to paddy rice producing areas. Moreover, the Federal Government had started to disseminate this technique to 3 major areas of Northern China since 1990, and has been getting good result. But these brilliant successes of this technology transfer is known among a very few people in Japan.
　　　This paper attempts to clarify the structure and method of the technology transfer. This study was carried out by visiting Hokkaido to make interview with the person who has been working for this technology transfer, and also to Heilongjiang Province.
　　　The study examined the following items:（1） contents and characteristics of the technique transferred, （2） the structure and method of primary/international transfer, （3） outline of Heilongjiang Province agriculture with reference to paddy production, （4） the structure and method of secondary/domestic transfer.
　　　After analyzing various data, the author clarified the structure, method and route of the transfer, and also problems and issues of the technology transfer system in Heilongjiang Province.
　　　It is considered that the result of this study will be able to contribute to improve the structure and methods of technology transfer in some other areas of China or developing countries.

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　　　The purpose of this paper is to examine the direction of farm managerial systems on State-owned Farm after political revolution in China, taking SINHUA FARM in Heilongjiang Province as an example, in addition to imply the good way of farm management towards the future.
　　　Since 1983, family typed farm has become the predominant position on agricultural production in state-owned farm. The main concerns in this paper is to analyze how individual farm managements and collective farm managements are combined on the state-owned farm.
　　　Through this analysis, it will be suggested that the rational combination between two type of managements must vastly contribute to improvement of agricultural productivity.

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　　　In this paper, I aim to consider how AIDS problem affects on the community and on the family institution in Thai society, which has to put the task of ‘living with AIDS patients in the same community’ into practice, especially in the case of Northern Thai rural area where the AIDS problem is most serious in Thailand.
　　　The number of AIDS/HIV patients in Thailand are recently estimated 800,000 persons, and it becomes one of the most important social problems that must cope with emergency.
　　　The increasing patients exceed the accommodation or treatment ability of each medical institutions and hospitals, and Thai government has begun to strengthen the policy that entrusts each community and the families of the patients with nursing of these patients in near future.
　　　The majority of patients are, however, young people who work as farmers, or as unskilled/half-skilled laborers in urban and/or rural area. That is to say, their families have to face the economic difficulties to carry the burden of nursing of patients in the prejudice of the neighborhood, as well as they lost their children who were major income earning members. Furthermore, in these years, the problem of infection of housewives and children becomes serious, too . A part of Thai people consider the situation as the crisis of Thai family institution. Thai print media begins to appeal to public opinion about the importance of the Thai family institution.
　　　The prejudice of the neighborhood against HIV/AIDS people and their families is also a serious barrier for the government/NGO program. It seems that to reorganize ‘the community’ , which begins to dissolve, as the industrialization grows, is indispensable for the success of the AIDS program . Some people who are experts on the AIDS problem in Thailand insists that decentralization of the administrative power must be also proceeded for the solution of the problem.

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