Especially, since the second half of the 1980’s, the term “revitalize” has been used as one of the master words in our argument about the problem of developing rural society in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to point out peculiar structure through structural analysis of the studies of revitalizing the rural area.
　　　For this purpose, in chapter 1, I prepare theoretical framework we should use. Then, in chapter 2, I summarize the history of development theories about Japanese rural area, and show two new important points which have been brought into the preceding studies ; “regional character” and “subjectivity of the habitants”.
　　　In chapter 3, by extracting theoretical peculiarity to which the two lead, I try to conclude that there is some strange structure in the expressions, for example, “the habitants as the subject are struggling for the social development by promoting the unique character of their own society”
　　　In the last chapter, I give one hypothesis about how we can connect the studies of rural revitalizing problem with the studies of environmental sociology, and about what new point at issue we should take into the such studies, if my conclusion in this paper will be accepted.

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　　　The purpose of this paper is to examine the structure of the yuimaru, that is, cooperative work through labor exchange in Kokuto production by small producers in Okinawa before the Second World War. The first of two aspects to be analyzed is the social system in Kokuto production, especially the structure of the yuimaru. Secondly, the problem of the settlement of imbalances in labor exchanges among farmers in the yuimaru system is examined.
　　　We examined in detail reports and other documents dealing with the yuimaru. In addition, we interviewed retired elderly farmers who had worked in yuimaru.
　　　Analysis of the above data led us to the following results. With regard to the first aspect, there were two types of farmers’ groups involved in Kokuto production. The larger groups were called satougumi, which were subdivided into kogumi. The farmers in a satougumi were bound together by a shared territory. They managed sugar mills（either animal- or hydraulically- powered）and open pans and scheduled Kokuto production for each farmer. Each kogumi consisted of seven or eight farmers who worked together to produce Kokuto. These members formed the yuimaru. They were either relatives by blood or marriage, or neighbors or friends. These relationships were between peers as opposed to the hierarchical relationships of the ie, the family system based on patriarchy in prewar Japan.
　　　The second aspect, the settlement of imbalances in labor exchanges in the yuimaru, was addressed only incompletely with inconclusive results.
　　　In addition, we can conclude that even though the bonds within the yuimaru were between individuals, they did not represent relationships established by independent persons. Rather, the bonds constituted a type of social relationship which existed prior to the formation of the ie.

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　　　Previously, depopulation and dissolution were regarded as the most important problems facing villages. Today, the focus has changed more to how to activate the village community. And recently, interest has also shifted to the preservation of historic landscapes, part of the movement for environmental preservation in villages.
　　　Initially, the preservation of historic landscapes was simply, how to preserve traditional buildings in the village. But, recently it has become much more complicated and stems from what I call “the logic of identity formation”. A paradox of this process is that historic landscapes often become tourism attractions, which leads to a conflict between tourism and the village lifestyle.
　　　 “The logic of identity formation” recognizes that tradition is not restricted to old items, but includes the various things that have been made by people in the village. The most important point of this logic is that people have manufactured these items independently. This approach needs evaluating on this point. Tradition is regarded only as “a way of activate the community”
　　　In this paper, I will discuss “the logic of Seikatsu-no-kata”, which approximates in meaning to the local, accumulated knowledge and behavior of people in the village. I think that this is very important aspect of tradition.
　　　I will take up the case in Taketomi Island,Okinawa, especially, focusing on the form of buildings in this discussion. For example, Za (room layout in Okinawa) and Engawa (Japanese porch). These rooms are often used for communication (c.f. festivals, ceremonies and regular tea time chats). This is an example of “Seikatsu-no-kata” in Taketomi. It illustrates that keeping the “Seikatsu-no-kata” is important in maintaining the local landscape. However, this paper does not criticize “the logic of identity formation”, but is developed along with it. I suggest that “the logic of Seikatsu-no-kata” is a more effective way to preserve the historic landscape.

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　　　In 1971, “the Japan Organic Agriculture Association” was founded as a center of farmers and consumers who had serious concerns about the existing farming systems dependent largely on chemical fertilizers and pesticides. It was the time when the term Yuki Nogyo (literally “Organic Agriculture” ) was firstly used in Japan. Soon after, a number of farmers' groups and consumers' associations were established in various parts of Japan. They created a new distribution system called SANSHO TEIKEI, in which agricultural and livestock products were dealt directly between producing farmers and consumers.
　　　 “The Association for Eradication of Food Contamination and Requiring Safe Foods”, located in Hyogo prefecture, is one of such consumer groups. Through purchasing organic agricultural products collectively, members who joined the association tried to change their consumer life, which had hitherto been strongly incorporated into the market-oriented economy.
　　　At the same time, they came to recognize that organic agriculture had a close relation, though not always explicitly, with other social problems prevailing at the time such as environmental pollution, the issue of atomic energy, and even the human right issues of foreigners living in Japan. In some cases, the members took part in campaigns against these problems. Through these actions and challenges, the activities of the association partly turned from consumer movement in the narrowest sense to a kind of social movement that covers wider issues, and the members developed their consciousness not only of food security, but also of social injustice.
　　　Nowadays, organic agricultural products are generally circulating as a genre of commodities in the market. However, the above development process of a consumer group suggests that the consumer movement can generate opportunities, in which the consumers share their critical views on other social domains as well as food security issues.

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　　　The purpose of this study is to discuss the significance of agri-processing by the aged people in depopulated areas and the necessity of the organizations for it, which adds value to the home-consuming products and contributes to the preservation of their regional resources.
　　　 “Koreisha-Seisan-Katsudo-Center” in Ikegawa-town, which I have researched, solved the problems and successfully survived the crisis by securing its own marketing channels and through the coordinated efforts of various organizations.
　　　The center has created a “worthwhile life” and a means of “earning income” for the aged people, and contributed to the welfare of the aged people, including the prevention of the seclusion of the aged people in their own home.
　　　In conclusion, it can be said that (1) the agri-processing organizations in depopulated areas would create not only a worthwhile life but also important job opportunities for the aged people, and also contribute to the activation of the areas; and (2) the maintenance of such organizations would require appropriate regional agricultural management paying attention not only to the productivity but also to the welfare of the aged people.

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