The purpose of this paper is to report the results of a survey I made of full-time migratory laborers of a fishing village in Hokkaido. The situation of migratory laborers and circumstances under which they have to work have greatly changed in the past 10 or so years. The survey made in 1992, which was the first one I conducted since my 1980 survey, showed how the situation of migratory laborers and the circumstances of their working places have changed during those twelve years. The number of migratory laborers at Kumaishi is decreasing every year and is steadily aging. The extention of the working period and increase of workers in Tokyo or other areas except Hokkaido during the winter are recent trends of migratory laborers. It is characteristic of them to have fixed working places each season, also.
　　　In this essay, I would like to consider the above-mentioned facts, and then refer to how migratory laborers have acquired their skills since the employment insurance system was revised, and the actual living conditions of migratory laborers in old age.

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　　　The purpose of this article is to point out a wide gap between the transformed farm family construction and rather rigid agricultural policies in postwar Japan, concluding that the latter’s fundamental remaking would be inevitable. The Japan’s agricultural policy, primarily carried out after the land reform in the 1940’s, has been continuously formulated in accord with small landed farmers viewed under the traditional stem family system. Since our economy grew rapidly in 1960’s, however, the farm families had to undergo the following two drastic changes. （1） Under the influence of urbanization, the rural family structure differentiated among regions. In remote provinces, the younger generation rushed to major cities, leaving their old parents. In adjacent land around cities, on the other hand, individualistic diversity has emerged in place of the former sense of paternalistic unity developed from stem family system. （2） Momentous changes occured demographically, including an outflow of yonger generation into big cities, a fall of birthrate and the aging rural population. Reflecting these changes, the status of the successor came to be of critical significance whether their families keep continuing or not in the near future. The principle of Japan’s unaltered agricultural policy has been failing to cope with these new trends of rural family construction. As a result, the traditional familism lingered unchanged, and the rural women were made the major victim of the policy. The Japan’s agricultural policy has been, not apparently but latently, practicing sex discrimination. For example, female farm managers are still exceptional ones today in spite of their high potential for it. In conclusion, this article stresses that a newly designed agricultural policy would be established in harmony with the transformed farm family construction and also with the elevated potential of rural women in Japan.

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　　　This paper examined the logic of emigration to “Mangzhou” in the 1930s through analysis on the socio-economic background of Ohinata-Mura. Ohinata was said to play a leading part for the emigration policy by the fascist government of Japan. This policy formally intended to solve “overpopulation” and land shortage for paddy farming.
　　　In 1937, Ohinata decided emigration and 586 persons in 191 households settled Sijiafan in Jielingsheng by 1939. However, the emigration produced few effects. Land shortage and overpopulation problems were not solved at all. The failure was caused from neglect of the original characteristics. In short, the emigration policy was unreasonable from the beginning.
　　　However, it was a fact that many persons emigrated. The reasons for this fact were as foolows：1) the direct control by the prefectural office after the collapse of an indigenous self-governing, 2) self-persuasion such as a big gap between prosperity in the 1920s and poverty in the 1930s, expectation of improvement of life in “Mangzhou” and confirmation of bond to the immigrants’ native village by depositing their lands and graves.

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　　　Rural environment can be classified into two types, the one as the basis of farm production and the other as the condition of rural life. The main interest of agricultural policy of national government during the early period after the world war Ⅱ was oriented to the former type of environmental improvement, which elevated not only the agricultural productivity but also the life level of rural inhabitants. Thereafter environmental development raised the promotion of the quality life, which has produced other requests for rural environmental improvement.
　　　In this paper, the auther discusses the environmental development of post world war Japan in four sub-periods： （1） food product increasing period, （2） agricultural basis adjustment period, （3） life environment orienting period, and （4） vitalization orienting period. At present the Japanese environmental improvement should seek new interest as “real abundance” , “beauty” for the quality of life.

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　　　The purpose of this paper is to clarify the relationship between kinship and farmland rents among farm households in Inobe of Shiga Prefecture, which is a well urbanized rural area and two third of the total households （52 householdes） in the community are farm households. All of those farm households except one are practicing part-time farming with stable nonfarm jobs.
　　　The kinship of traditional rural Japan has been well documented as the ‘Ie’ relationship. However, there are two subsystems of the kinship: one is genealogical kinship with a common ancestry; and the other is more general kinship related by marriage and blood. The former is locally called Itto, and the latter, Shinrui. The local people admit that they put higher priority on Itto over Shinrui. These two form a traditional network system of mutual aids for unexpected occasions such as funeral, which require intensive laborforce by their locally developed customs.
　　　This kind of kinship, Itto, could be assumed to provide significant credibility even on economic activities such as land rental contracts. However, it is found that only one of the total land rental contracts （32 cases） in the community is related to this kind of kinship. This indicates the differentiation of credibility functions between social/cultural and economic activities in an urbanized rural area.

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