Most studies of social mobility have not serious attention to the migration to the city in spite of it's importance from the point of view of the rural-urban network. ln some fields of study, however, the migration from rural to urban has been a big theme; some studies emphasize the migrants formed the blue-collar workers' class, other studies emphasize they formed the urban white-collar workers' class. Both emphasizes arc one-sided and misleading. It is still not obvious about what part of migrants became middle class and what pan became working class or how different was the social mobility between new arrivals and the original urban population in the city. This paper aims to clarify these problems in the case of Tokyo with quantitative data, focusing on two period; inter and postwar.
     There were two routes to the city; move for school and move for job. A family's social stratification influenced which route sons took. During the former period it was not more difficult for new arrivals to enter the high status employment than the original urban population as the education levels of the two groups were almost equal and more males from rural backgrounds entered higher education than did those from Tokyo, However, during the latter an educational difference existed between the urban and rural workers.

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     Social movement studies employing the concept of political opportunity structure have so far left ambiguous its conceptual boundaries as well as the extent of its applicability to a range of collective action. This study, by examining its conceptual origins and characteristics, argues that the timing of the mobilization by the movement group segmented from the dominant political arena of the society is not determined by the change in political opportunity structure. This claim is examined using time-series data of Japanese peasant uprisings, 1800-1877. The examination results support this contention. It reveals that economic structural change, rather than political opportunity structure, determined the timing of the peasant political protest in premodern Japan.

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     This paper reviews the achievements and problems of quantitative historical sociology and considers its prospects. Although the mainstream in historical sociology in the U. S. has been characterized as attempting to understand or draw causal inference about historical issues based on qualitative data, there have been accumulating achievements that may be called quantitative historical sociology. Among examples are the works of C. Ragin and of C. Tilly who share topics with mainstream historical sociology, focusing on macro-level political and social issues such as the relationship between collective behaviors and social structures, but use quantitative or mathematical methods. However, here we primarily focus on a stream derived from historical demography and family history in France and England. This stream, once it attracted scholars in the U.S., has been developed into family history using multivariate models stimulated by the application of advanced statistical methods such as'event history analysis' in sociology and demography. Quantitative approaches to the history of the family taking advantage of computers to process and analyse large data sets have been in progress also in Japan. One example of these is shown in this paper. Quantitative historical sociology still has many problems to solve in such aspects as the collection and processing of data, methods of analysis, and compatibility between individual-level analyses and interests in macro-level social change. If we cope with these problems properly, this discipline can form an important stream in historical sociology, or even sociology in general.

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     Numerous attempts have been made by scholars to show the decline of educational performance. And it is the main cause of the default of educational con-tents. However, only few attempts have so far been made at incentives of a supervisor and an agent.
     The purpose of this paper is lo explain the cause of the decline of educational performance and to describe policy prospecting for promoting the quality of school. This research borrows a considerable amount from Tirole (1986). Added to this, I use “multi-stage games” to solve the previous problems.
     The main results are the following:
1 The minimum level of educational performance is achieved if a salary is paid independent of his effort or educational performance.
2 The optimal level of educational performance is achieved under symmetric information if a salary is depended on an agency's effort (First Best).
3 The optimal level of educational performance is achieved under asymmetric information if a salary is depended on educational performance (Second Best).
4 If a supervisor colludes with an agency， a principal must make a contract coalition-proof.

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     Weibull (1995) made a new type of transmission model as an imitation model of the evolutionary game theory. His model, unlike previous models, can describe the state in which two cultural elements coexist. Moreover, since the transmission equation of the model is driven by profit structure, this model can explain various social phenomena by varying the profit structure.
     But, the transmission model of Weibull (1995) which consists of two cultural elements, similar to previous transmission models, cannot describe such a unimodal movement in which a cultural element initially spreads and yet eventually goes out of fashion, or such a cyclical movement in which the number of people that adopt a cultural element oscillates. Moreover, in reality, it is not possible to know the current social state, but only to know the previous social state of a slightly previous period. Thus, in this paper we insist that m6dels must incorporate the delay of time, a factor which has thus far been ignored, Using the model with the delay of time, this paper acquires an implication that more accurate information may incur social unrest.

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     In previous periods of export expansions, we witnessed a subsequent increase in trade friction. Similarly, the current rapid expansion of overseas investment has a high potential to cause severe investment friction. Applying Catastrophe theory, this paper aims to analyze how investment friction is generated, and search for a method to prevent such events.
     Most communities generally welcome the foreign investment because of job creation. But, some complain intensified local competition and foreign “over-presence”. The worse a local economy may be, the stronger both opinions for and against Japanese investment may become. Misery index (inflation plus unemployment rate) and the growth rate of overseas investment accumulation as two exogenous variables, the proportion of opposing opinions as endogenous variable, and a “cusp catastrophe” potential function, I formulated an investment friction model. The model parameters were estimated using data from opinion surveys and economic statistics of 13 nations from ASEAN, EU and USA.
     Based on the findings of this model, investment friction is classified into two categories by origin. I conclude that:
     (1)Rapid growth rates in overseas investment usually cause a “depressed” friction with time-lag.
     (2)When local business conditions make a turn for the better, it is also the critical point for “independent” friction.

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     What is the underlying process of people's judgment on whether the status attainment process in the society is fair or not? Two hypotheses are proposed. One is the justification of self interest. The other is the impartial or disinterested evaluation, and the hypothesis which postulates the enlightenment effect of higher education is a variant of this. From each of the hypotheses, predictions on the relation between education, beliefs about educational credentialism, and the feeling of fairness are deduced. Data from a survey of Japanese high school students and their parents is used for the verification of these predictions. The diagramed contingency tables and the results of logit analysis with the conditional effect design reveal that the hypothesis of the justification of self interest is supported only for the fathers, and that of enlightenment is supported for the mothers.

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[in Japanese]

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[in Japanese]

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[in Japanese]

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[in Japanese]

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[in Japanese]

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