The City of Kawagoe and the Taketomi Island both successfully designated Preservation Districts for Groups of Historic Buildings, but a more thorough regulation was enacted in shorter time in Taketomi than in Kawagoe. By comparing the policy processes of the two areas, this paper attributes difference in the policy outcomes to the types of neighborhood organizations that led these policy processes. Organizations dealing with a specific problem in Kawagoe easily reached the agreement within each organization, but these agreements did not represent the entire residents. As a result, it took nearly thirty years for the municipal government of Kawagoe to enact preservation policies that are not implemented completely. By contrast, the decision made by the neighborhood organization of Taketomi represented the entire residents because it had been tackling with a wide-range of local problems and because almost all residents participated in it and shared common culture, though it took some time for them to reach an agreement. As a consequence, it took relatively short time for the municipal government of Taketomi to enact a comprehensive policy package.
Neighborhood associations are little studied by political scientists but such local, community organizations can have important indirect influences on public policy. This article argues that neighborhood associations (NHAs) intersect public policy in two important ways. First, NHAs are beneficiaries of public policy support. Second, neighborhood associations support the effective and efficient implementation of public policy, through their sustaining of social capital : in a word, “governance.”
One of the only points of agreement in the study of civil society is that the organizations be independent from the state. State-linked groups, it is held, typically drum up a kind of ersatz involvement by citizens through pressure, patronage or manipulation. However, state-linked associations can vary widely in the kinds of participation they encourage, the political roles that they play, and their relationship to local communities.
This article is structured as follows. First, it identifies and defines neighborhood associations, including a discussion of their participation rates and activities. Second, it investigates what NHAs do for government, and what government does for NHAs. The article argues that NHAs are “ambiguous associations,” or “state-society straddler organization” that benefit from “local corporatism.” On the one hand, NHAs are supported by the government, creating an effective state-society interface that is nonetheless resistant to utilizing NHAs as vehicles for advocacy except in limited local cases (as a demand transmission belt, or for NIMBY resistance). On the other hand, the article contends that NHAs do create and sustain social capital in Japan, occasioning a more detailed discussion of these mechanisms.
‘Civil society’ is an equivocal concept which takes on different meanings over time; the meaning of the concept also varies across countries and regions. This paper aims to examine the possibility of providing a quantitative measurement of this rather abstract and equivocal concept of civil society and see what kind of data and method could be applied for the process of measuring, through reference to a number of preceding attempts on measuring civil society. More specifically, this paper evaluates the previous research achievement of Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project (JHCNP) and introduces its application in the form of the nonprofit satellite account and global civil society index compiled on the basis of the aforementioned project. Also introduced in this paper is the Civil Society Diamond (CSD), a tool proposed by CIVICUS to highlight and evaluate the characteristics of civil society in various nations. Further, a review of several attempts to measure and quantitatively understand social capital, the intangible asset based on human network, norm of reciprocity and mutual trust, which is closely connected with civil society is undertaken. Finally, the paper summarizes the issues regarding the quantitative understanding of civil society and points out the unsatisfactory state of nonprofit-related data development along with the need for strategic statistical development in Japan.
Now, in the nation state, the state is being hollowed out by quangocratization and devolution and so on. We see the shift “from government to governance” with our own eyes. This does not means only the public sector (central government and local government) has its governability, the private profit sector (market and firms) and the civic non-profit sector (non profit organizations) do have their own governability. These two private sectors share governing with the public sector (co-governance). Over this point, the revisionist type of new institutional theory thinks the state and government as a governing core can restructure the hierarchy of political administration system from inside, and can solve the problem of governance in cooperation with social actors. Whereas the new governance theory of policy network pays attention to multiple social stakeholding actors constituting civil society, and thinks social actors are going to improve and brush up their governance capability by forming of the network among them as a governing core. We can sum up a way of thinking of these opposite two poles as “governance by government” or “governance involving government.” However, we cannot deny a possibility of “failure of governance” that multiple actors to try to make their agreement end in failure. When such a failure occurs, the problem solution by metagovernance (governance of governance) must be tried again. But there is still a possibility of “failure of metagovernance.” To escape this failure, we expect that stakeholder associations will empower their capability of monitoring, accountability and responsibility, monitor whether the system of government and governmental bureaucracy is rational nor not, and play a part to realize the social integration, try to bring a synergy of the system rationality with the social integration.
The issue of citizen collaboration for public policy in Japan might date back to the constitutional note of the elected officials in the Article 93-2. Regrettably, such a democratic clause had been neglected for a long time after the 2nd World War.
I want to report that even in the contemporary system it will be possible to create the policy-making activities to realize the citizen collaboration in the local government. Especially, in the 1970s the serious environmental pollution forced local administrators to establish the effective policy using many kinds of scientific knowledge.
With preexisting solid order, useful measures could not be taken against serious pollution due to lack of efficient scientific background. People could not help relying on lawsuits, mass communication, and professionals to provide relief for the victims. In such situations, Kyoto City, one of the reformist local governments, asked many professionals from universities in the region to cooperate in the environmental administration to establish KOBO-KEN (a study group of environmental protection planning). They were not formally organized but performed the most part of administration work by finding the necessary subjects and doing researches, and proposing suitable policies.
In the era of phase transition from order to chaos, lawyers, medical men, scientists could be the citizen’s agents to collaborate with government. Local government can realize such system as a fusion with them. A 30-year-legacy of KOBO-KEN in Kyoto City still support the independent doctrine and the spirit of the global environmental city to be responsible for realizing the Kyoto Protocol.
In Baker v. State (1999), the Vermont Supreme Court held that the Vermont Constitution guaranteed same-sex couples the same legal benefits, protections, and responsibilities provided to heterosexual-married couples. This historical decision also gave the legislature the opportunity to choose between opening up the civil marriage institution to include gay and lesbian couples or creating a parallel system that provides the benefits of civil marriage to same-sex couples. This Article introduces the events which led to the Baker case and those that occurred during the court’s deliberations and in the aftermath of the decision. By tracing the deliberative process during the formation of the civil union law, the roles of each actor in the political branches, the Supreme Court, and Vermont civil society will be clarified. In addition, some tentative implications will be provided by taking a look at the following: (1)“full-incarnated strangers” on the side of proponents of same-sex marriage, (2)“self-destroying strategies” that the conservative lawmakers and religious extremists took for the battle over the civil union law, (3)“the triggering role of judicial review” that made it possible to leave room for the democratic deliberation on a hard moral issue, and to make those concerned even more committed to the deliberation.
The goal of this paper is to introduce a gender perspective to the study of Japan’s national security policymaking. Politicians appear to think that they are able to make foreign policy, national security policy in particular, without paying much attention to special interests or their constituents. As a result, national security is an issue area where policymakers’ personal values such as subjectivity and/or worldviews, which arise from their experience, educational background and socialization, have a deep impact on the policymaking process. In most states, including Japan, the arena for national policymaking has been dominated by men and thus what is reflected in the process is mostly men’s experiences, subjectivity, and values. As these experiences and values cannot be understood without policymakers’ shared views on the meaning of what it is to be a man or what it means to be manly, namely gender, I will first focus on the nature of masculinity in Japanese society. Then, based upon my observation that the ideal of kigyo senshi (corporate warrior) has always been dominant in postwar Japan, as opposed to a weaker ideal of mai homu papa (my home papa), I will attempt to unravel the link between the dominant masculinity and the tightening of the U.S.-Japan alliance through the expansion of the role of the SDF since the 1990s.
Both the United Kingdom and Japan experienced administrative reforms based on the neo-liberal ideas. Japan introduced independent administrative corporations through emulating executive agencies in the U. K., but their characteristics were greatly different. This paper explains why almost identical ideas brought about different outcomes by using the concepts of executive power, cohesion of political parties and executive branches, and veto players.
In Japan where veto players such as bureaucrats and zoku politicians are powerful and the divergence of preferences between the prime minister and veto players is large, cohesion of political parties and the executive branch is low, and the executive power is weak. Thus, the possibility that introduction of new ideas brings about policy change is small, and the original ideas tend to be distorted in the way that contributes to special (parochial) interests. To the contrary, in the U. K. where veto players are less powerful and the divergence of preferences is small, cohesion of political parties and the executive branch is high, and the executive power is strong. It follows that the possibility of policy change is great and the original ideas tend to be realized with little distortion.
This paper compares the reforms of the administrative organizations by Prime Ministers Thatcher and Hashimoto, and shows that while the British reform was accomplished as neo-liberal ideas showed, the Japanese reform incompletely adopted those ideas because veto players were influential.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the probability of the theoretical assertion that social capital can be influenced by institutional factors. My analysis will proceed in three steps. First, I will review recent arguments on social capital and draw some general conclusions that the theoretical terminus ad quern about social capital is the recognition of the virtuous cycle between institution and culture. Secondly, I will trace the development processes of Aya town and Mitaka city, regarding them as extremely good cases of Japan for testing the probability of the virtuous cycle in social capital formation. Finally, I will argue that their networks of the autonomous community centers have played crucial roles in sprouting social capital to bring about improvements in their local government performances.
Traditional studies of civil society and recent social capital theory explore the relationship between good governance and vigorous civil society. In his book Making Democracy Work, Robert Putnam provided the impressive evidence that regional government performance in Italy is influenced by social capital, such as networks, trust, and norms. This view gets worldwide popularity. However, theoretical sophistication and more quantitative empirical evidences are still needed.
This article analyzes the impact of social capital or some features of civil Society on local government performance in Japan, and challenges Putnam’s social capital theory. Using various quantitative data in prefecture level, this study reveals that social capital is unrelated to local government performance in Japan, and that the good local governance is explained by “civic power”, which is some kinds of citizen’s actions and attitudes, or organized civic groups that support, criticize, demand, and monitor their government adequately. The relationship between civic power and good local governance remains strong even after controlling for some socioeconomic factors.
Furthermore, the results show that some aspects of civic.power, such as organized civic groups or claims free access to administrative information, are much more important than other aspects of civic power, such as voting or civic culture. This suggests that activities and potentials of “civic elites”, not ordinary citizens, are the main element of civic power. This finding challenges conventional views of political culture studies and participatory democratic theories. If the findings are correct, then we need not to be afraid of “Bowling Alone” at least in politics.
In Japan, it is civic power, not social capital, that is the true key to making democracy work. The findings have relevant implications on studies of social capital, civil society, and local governance.
The issue of broadening prefectural systems is becoming a major topic for debate and discussion with regard to the forthcoming system of local government. In addition to system theories, including those pertaining to the broadening range, heads of government, and fiscal issues, the discussion should take on a wide range of issues including the necessity of broad development as well as the effects on the populace and economic organizations, all the while maintaining the perspective of the relation with the national government’s regional bodies in terms of the major areas in which the prefectural governments operate (e.g., industrial policies and environment policies). This paper will consider the Kansai region in terms of this perspective pertaining to academic and R & D areas among the industrial infrastructure. It will delve into the current status and issues regarding technology transfer from universities, venture companies, and testing and research facilities all in an effort to make proposals for the necessity of broad-base networking as well as a basic stance and direction of a new system that will afford industrial promotion.
To understand how Japanese policy on women has changed over time, this paper considers mainly the case of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law and the Enactment of Gender Equality Fundamental Law for analysis.
The analytical framework of the study is based on the concept of policy paradigm by Peter Hall. Policy paradigms refer to the set of ideas and standards that specify the goals of policy, the kind of instruments that can be used to attain them, and the nature of problems they are meant to address.
This paper focused on policy ideas on equality of men and women -‘protection’,‘equality’, and ‘gender equality’- how they flowed into political process and clashed with each other and became institutionalized.
Through the analysis, a change process in Japanese policy on women has been found which shifts from ‘protection paradigm’ to ‘gender equality paradigm’.
In this article, I am going to point to some trends in the Japanese post-war political thought on the side of government (as opposed to electorate and political parties). I am going to analyse all the policy speeches held in the Diet during the last fifty eight years of all the prime ministers from Katayama to Koizumi. I am going to show how three main groups of prime ministers arise and discuss their characteristics. I will make an attempt to see the prime ministers of the LDP and of non-LDP in the traditional framework of left――right or conservative――social democratic scale and show why this bares no fruit. Finally, I am focusing on Koizumi and discuss in what terms he stands out from all the other prime ministers in his rhetoric.