In Montenegro, there has been a deep divide between those who seek the independence of Montenegro and those who oppose it and seek the maintenance of the Yugoslav federation or the union with Serbia. It is well known that there is a correlation between the ethnic identity and the attitude towards this issue, particularly among ethnic minorities such as Albanians, Muslims (Bosnjaks) and Serbs. While one tends to assume that the ethnic identity is an independent variable that affects the behaviour towards the issue of statehood, I would argue that this assumption does not hold for Serbs. To do so, I firstly examine the correlation between the ethnic identity and the behaviour towards the issue of statehood. Secondly, by examining the census data of 1991 and 2003 in Montenegro, I point out that there seems to have been a significant scale of re-definition of the ethnic identity. In particular, a significant number of those who now regard themselves as “Serb” did not indeed do so only 12 years ago. This suggests that the assumption discussed above is wrong and the causal relations run in the opposite direction: they re-defined themselves as “Serb” because they support the maintenance of the union with Serbia. Thirdly, I briefly examine some factors that might possibly have affected the decisions made by those who regarded themselves as “Montenegrins” in 1991 to support or oppose the independence of Montenegro.

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本稿は，国際ニュース報道における「引用」に着目し，引用とメディア翻訳の不可視性との関係を明らかにした上で，社会記号論系言語人類学の「出来事モデル」に依拠し，メタ・コミュニケーションとしてのメディア翻訳の多層的実践について事例分析を通し考究するものである．事例として取り上げたのは，1990年代に壮絶な民族紛争を繰り広げたボスニア・ヘルツェゴヴィナにおいて20年ぶりに行われた国勢調査に関するニュースである．従来，ニュースにおける引用の翻訳は，もとの発話の忠実な再現であり，異なる言語間の単なる意味の等価的伝達と考えられてきた．この前提がニュースの真正性を支えてもきた．分析の結果，引用箇所の翻訳においては，言語使用における「言われていること」のレヴェルには大きなシフトは見られなかった．それに対し「為されていること」，即ち言語使用者たちのアイデンティティやイデオロギーに関わる社会指標的意味のレヴェルにおいては相対的に大きなシフトが生じていた．このことは，メディア翻訳が単なる意味の等価的伝達ではなく，翻訳という出来事が生起する社会・文化・歴史的コンテクストに根差した複層的な実践であり，メタ・コミュニケーションであることを示唆する．さらに，メディア翻訳においては，引用に見られるようにそれ自体が言及指示的に非明示的，したがって社会指標的，メタ語用的要素の転移にこそ困難があることを示すものである．

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本稿では,ドイツの外国人児童生徒に対する言語教育政策のうち,特に「母語」教育政策に注目し,実際の現場における具体的な取り組みについて検討し,実状と問題点,今後の課題を明確にすることを試みた.一例としてノルトライン・ヴェストファーレン州(Nordrhein-Westfalen)ボン市(Bonn)とその周辺地域における「母語授業」を取り上げ,統計資料,母語教育専門官へのインタビュー,見学したトルコ語の「母語授業」の考察をもとに検討した結果,次の点が明らかになった.(1)州の政策上の変化により,旧募集国以外の国を出自とする参加児童に対しても「母語授業」が開かれるようになった.(2)ボン市では,児童数が多い国の言語であっても公教育の場で教授されていないものがあり,依然として旧募集国の公式言語に偏った言語選択がなされているという,提供言語の不平等が生じている.(3)見学したトルコ語の「母語授業」は,参加児童の母語習得を促進するというよりむしろ,トルコ本国に関する理解を深め,トルコ人としてのアイデンティティを形成することに貢献している.別の見方をすれば,州の方針と現場での実践に乖離がみられるともいえる.(4)参加児童のトルコ語の読み書き能力に関してはなお疑問で,「母語授業」の場で積極的に育成する必要がある.

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In the Dayton Agreement, the engagement of the international community in Bosnia was originally supposed to last only for a year and to come to a close after the elections in 1996, turning over the responsibilities to the new governments. In reality, however, the international community has been continuing, or even intensifying its engagement after the general elections. Why has the international community continued its engagement? As an answer to this question, the present article points out that the elections and the establishment of new governments have not resulted in the autonomous political stability in Bosnia, but actually lead to the political instability. The present paper attempts to demonstrate it by examining the Bosnian case from two viewpoints: (1) stateness problem, and (2) problems with the institutionalization of ethnic power-sharing.
The stateness problem occurs when “there are profound differences about the territorial boundaries of the political community's state and profound differences as to who has the right of citizenship in that state.” As Linz and Stepan pointed out, democracy is impossible until the stateness problem is resolved. In Bosnian case, the stateness problem occurred in 1991-1992 when Muslims and Croats wanted the independence of Bosnia, while Serbs opposed it and attempted to secede from Bosnia in order to join the Third Yugoslavia. Even though the Dayton Agreement achieved a compromise, it was far from the resolution of the stateness problem. The differences of the conceptions of the state persisted even after the Dayton Agreement, especially between Bosniaks and Serbs. This is one reason why the elections have not lead to the political stability in Bosnia, since the ethnic parties continued to be elected to the public offices, and they kept putting the stateness problem on the political agenda.
Another reason why the elections have not lead to the political stability is related to the institutionalization of the ethnic power-sharing in Bosnia. In Bosnia, the political system based on the consociational model was introduced by the Dayton Agreement, acknowledging the three ethnic groups as “constituent nations” and introducing equal representation and mutual veto system of these nations. However, the introduction of a consociational type of ethnic power-sharing has not lead to the political stability in Bosnia, firstly because it has led to the ineffectiveness of the political system, and secondly because it has given centrifugal incentives to the politicians, inducing them to act as a representative of their respective ethnic group and to take a tough stance against representatives of other ethnic groups.
These are two reasons why the elections have not lead to the autonomous political stability in Bosnia. This is why the international community has been continuing its engagement: it has been necessary to secure a minimum stability for Bosnia. In order for Bosnia to achieve the autonomous political stability, the two problems pointed out in the present article must be resolved. It remains to be seen whether - and how -the resolution of these two problems would be possible.

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オーストリア文学史ではこれまでにもスロヴェニア文学におけるウィーン像が扱われてきた。マリーア・ヴェーラ・クラリツィーニは、浩瀚な著書『磁石としてのウィーン Wien als Magnet』(1996）でスロヴェニア作家イヴァン・ツァンカルとウィーンの関係を論じている。またシュテファン・ジモネク（2004）は、特にツァンカル作品におけるウィーンの公園の役割に焦点を当てた、より独創的な考察を行っている。スロヴェニアでこの問題に取り組んだ中心的研究者は当然ながらフランツェ・ベルニク（1998）である。これまでの研究ではツァンカルが主な考察対象となってきたが、本論はウィーンを描いた他の作家たちにも目を向け、スロヴェニア人のウィーン像に認められる幾つかの定数を示したい。

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Creole is one of the main topics in the fields concerning the language change and evolution, such as sociolinguistics, the developmental psychology of language and so on. Our purpose in this paper is to develop an evolutionary theory of language to study the emergence of creole. We discuss how the emergence of creole is dealt with regard to population dynamics. We modify the language dynamics equations by Komarova et al., so as to include the generation parameter ‘t’. From the viewpoint of the population dynamics, we give the definition of creole as a language, which is predefined by the universal grammar together with pre-existing languages. We show experimental results, in which we could observe the emergence of creole. Furthermore, we analyze the condition of creolization in terms of similarity among languages.

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