近世日本の主要な

地域において，西海業はその産業規模を最も拡大させるだけでなく，数千人の労働者を動員し，複数の鯨組を操業する「巨大鯨組」とも呼ぶべき大規模経営体を生み出した。この巨大鯨組については，これまで平戸生月の益冨組を対象に経営面における先進性・近代性が強調されたが，他の巨大鯨組の実証分析を踏まえた総合的な理解は果たされていない。そこで本稿では益冨組と並ぶ巨大鯨組の一つ壱岐勝本浦土肥組を対象にその組織と経営の実態を分析した。

経営組織に関しては，西海

業の鯨組が多数の自律性の高い内部組織に分化し，労働力の組織化と管理コストが低減されていたことが示された。こうした組織化・管理コストの縮減は，限られた経営資源で複数の鯨組の同時操業を可能とし，巨大鯨組が生成される組織論的な前提となった。他方，複数の鯨組を制御する管理部門は鯨組間で種差が見られ，階層的な組織形態をとる益冨組とは対照的に，土肥組の管理部門は独立性の高い同族団と地域の有力層によって緩やかに編成された。この管理部門のあり方は勢力拡大に要する資源を地域から獲得するのに有効に機能したが，地域への利潤還元を基調とする温情主義的な経営行動を生み出し，利益追求型の新しい型の鯨組が台頭するなかで，土肥組の衰退と破綻の一因となった。

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本稿の目的はフェロー諸島で行われている国家管理による

の実態を記述し，が島民のなかでどのような役割を担っているかを考察することにある。フェロー諸島では，ゴンドウクジラの自給的が連綿と行われてきた。フェロー諸島のの特徴は，1）国家管理である点，2）ゴンドウクジラの季節的で気まぐれな来訪にまかせるいわば受け身のである点，3）伝統的な技法を用いる点，4）諸島民に鯨を平等に配分する点があげられる。

とその用具，配分は法規で決められている。鯨が発見されたならば，地域単位で編成された船団が湾に鯨を追い込み捕獲する。に使用される資本は既存資本を援用し，伝統的な用具を使用する。捕獲した鯨の配分は，で中心的な役割を果たした人びとと公共施設への配分が優先され，残りはその他の参加者，地域住民に対して平等に行われる。

配分量は，当然のことながら，鯨の群れの大きさと配分を受ける人口に規定される。鯨の群れが小さかった場合，鯨は公共施設に譲られる。フェロー諸島の人口が増加したため，一人あたりの地域配分の割合は低下した。このため，鯨製品を希求する人びとは，減少分を参加報酬によって捕填しようとするであろう。

に参加することを可能にしている。

フェロー諸島における

は，地域社会の人びとが自然のサイクルに従い，伝統を再現し維持する場であり，弱者優先かつ平等な配分が行われる場でもある。このようにフェロー諸島のは，島民を国家，自然，伝統のなかに位置付ける役割を担っていると考えられる。しかし，近年の島民の消費生活の多様さや鯨の化学物質汚染の指摘は，フェロー諸島ののありかたに変化をもたらすとも考えられる。

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ベクウェイ島のザトウクジラは、1875年頃にアメリカ帆船式から技術を習得したベクウェイ島民によって創始された。1987年以降、その委員会によって「先住民生存」として承認されてきた。ところが、2012年にNPOが同島のザトウクジラをホエール・ウォッチングに転換する運動を開始した。本発表においては、同運動がベクウェイ島にもたらした諸問題を報告、考察すると共に同島のの将来を展望する。

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本報告においては、ベクウェイ島におけるザトウクジラの歴史と現況を題材として、先住民生存について再考する。報告者は、文化的・栄養的・経済的必要性があり、捕獲対象鯨種が生物資源学的に適切に管理されているのであるならば、いかなる形態のも容認されるべきであると考える。先住民生存／商業という形態の形式的な2区分は地域社会の文化の擁護継承にも鯨種の保護にも役立たないからである。

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In the early 1970s, Japan began to receive rapidly-mounting criticism from the US over whaling. The 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held in Stockholm, recommended a 10-year moratorium on commercial whaling. Despite Japan’s struggle to turn the anti-whaling tide, the International Whaling Commission (IWC) in 1982 decided to implement a pause in the commercial whaling of all whale species and populations. The 1982 moratorium encouraged Tokyo to negotiate with Washington, leading to a compromise in the mid-1980s.

This article aims to reveal how US–Japan relations evolved over the lifespan of this debate, with a special emphasis on the way the multilateral diplomacy at IWC intersected with the Japanese diplomacy vis-à-vis the United States. Analyzing primary sources from the Japanese government along with other materials such as newspapers, this paper examines the process in which the Japanese government grew increasingly disillusioned with the IWC’s viability and turned to the series of negotiations with the American government to secure the right of whaling in some fashion.

This article, moreover, provides a broader perspective by examining a seminal change in international relations. The 1970s saw the diversification of the entities involved in international exchanges, as the influence that the media, citizens, NGOs, and lawmakers had on cross-border discussion became greater. Consequently, intangible concepts, such as images and emotions that one country’s public holds vis-à-vis the other, became as important as official foreign policies. In other words, both governmental and societal relations among nations came to define international relationships.

Early literature mainly focuses on Japan’s whaling policy as well as domestic structures—political, cultural, and societal—surrounding whaling. When it comes to US–Japan disputes over whaling in the early 1970s, there are some existing studies, but none utilizes primary sources to deal with the timespan from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, during which the Japanese and Americans engaged in heated debate over whaling. Regarding primary sources, this paper mainly utilizes the materials of Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which are the most advanced in terms of declassification and openness to the public among Japanese ministries.

With regard to US–Japan relations, the period that this paper explores witnessed the friction between the two countries bearing cultural and social contours. The US public began problematizing a “closed, parochial, and inhumane” character of the Japanese society. This kind of blame marked an ominous sign for “Japan bashing” that characterized the US–Japan relationship from 1980s to the early 1990s.

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 This study examines the American whaling industry, which was based in New England and dominated most of the Western oil market in the 18th and 19th centuries. Previous studies by the author examined why the industry was attracted to this region, highlighting the favorable economic environment of the area, which allowed investors to accumulate the necessary funds to launch whaling ventures. Each investment consortium that provided funds to whaling vessels organized limited partnerships with individual vessels. This enabled consortiums to collect funds from a variety of stakeholders other than just businessmen involved in whaling and their families. Crewmembers of the vessel, reflecting the multi-racial society of the United States, were also free to select employers without relying on a conventional employer-employee relationship. Taken together, these factors led to New England attracting funds and labor from both within the region and further afield, and developing into the whaling center of the United States.
 An additional reason for New England's development as a whaling base was the global expansion of the industry to cover the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian oceans, with only the Southern Ocean not affected by this growth. Crewmembers were also paid from a ship's profits using the lay system. This payment by piece ratio ensured a minimum payment to crewmembers while guaranteeing a return for investors. The hiring of native islanders as part-time laborers in the whalers' areas of operation also kept expenditure to a minimum, with all of these factors contributing to investors' profits.
 Against this background, the whaling industry prospered and profited up until the 1850s. In the 1870s, however, the industry started to decline as whale resources decreased and the price of whale oil fell as a result of increased petroleum production. This study examines the details of how whaling voyages were managed during this period and how New England's whaling industry underwent a rapid transformation into a mechanized cotton industry with the owners of whaling vessels switching their investments to the cotton industry at New Bedford, the center of the whaling industry in New England. The rapid change from industrial whaling to the mechanical cotton industry in New England was made possible with the abundant funds accumulated by the whaling industry. The reestablishment of consortiums progressed smoothly as limited partnerships already existed and the labor market adapted efficiently from supplying whaling vessels to supplying female workers for the cotton industry due to the presence of non-conventional employment rules.
 We can see, therefore, in this region the development from one industry to another was controlled only by market-based mechanisms of American management. This is in sharp contrast to the Japanese fishing industry, which developed from a manufacturing fishery through technological innovation and utilizing community manpower or industrial power as the only motive force under limited investment and labor market conditions.

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