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全文: "米韓FTA"
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  • 真鍋 祐子
    社会学評論
    2012年 63 巻 3 号 469-470
    発行日: 2012/12/31
    公開日: 2014/02/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 加賀爪 優
    農林業問題研究
    2012年 47 巻 4 号 369-371
    発行日: 2012/03/25
    公開日: 2014/03/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 加賀爪 優
    農林業問題研究
    2013年 48 巻 4 号 409-412
    発行日: 2013/03/25
    公開日: 2014/03/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 弘明
    フードシステム研究
    2016年 22 巻 4 号 399-402
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2016/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 農業食料工学会誌
    2014年 76 巻 1 号 3-28
    発行日: 2014/01/01
    公開日: 2015/06/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 島本 美保子
    林業経済
    2016年 69 巻 8 号 29-32
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 加賀爪 優
    オーストラリア研究
    2010年 23 巻 1-5
    発行日: 2010/03/20
    公開日: 2017/05/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉田 泰治
    日本暖地畜産学会報
    2013年 56 巻 1 号 15-19
    発行日: 2013/03/29
    公開日: 2013/07/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 石川 幸一
    アジア研究
    2018年 64 巻 4 号 62-79
    発行日: 2018/10/31
    公開日: 2018/12/05
    ジャーナル フリー

    FTAs in East Asia have proliferated with the onset of 21st century. Establishment of ASEAN Economic Community and formation of ASEAN plus 1 FTAs is main achievement of East Asia Economic Integration in the first ten years of 21st century. Since 2010, East Asian countries have embarked on the realization of region-wide Asian FTA. As for region-wide FTA, two concepts were proposed. One is Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) which is originated in trade liberalization projects of APEC and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) which was proposed by ASEAN being influenced by the start of negotiation of TPP.

    TPP was signed in February of 2016 after 5 years of hard negotiation. TPP was called 21st Century FTA because of high level of liberalization and advanced rules such as discipline of State Enterprise and e-Commerce. After sign of the agreement, it was most probable that TPP would become FTAAP (FTA of Asia Pacific) as East Asian countries such as Korea, Thailand and Philippines expressed the intention of joining TPP. However, President Trump withdrew from TPP when he took office in January of 2017. Remaining 11 countries started to negotiate TPP 11 from March of 2017 and reached agreement substantially in November. TPP11 (CPTPP) was signed by 11 countries in March of 2018. TPP 11 maintained the characteristics of TPP as 21st Century FTA though it suspended 22 stipulations. Until now, Thailand and Columbia expressed the intention of participation in TPP11 and various countries including UK showed interest in joining TPP11. TPP11 was concluded in a very short time and many countries desired to join because these countries were concerned about the expansion of protectionism.

    Though not high in liberation rate and not advanced in rule if compared to TPP, RCEP is a quite important region-wide Asian FTA because it includes production centers of manufacturing industries and emerging consumer markets such as China, ASEAN and India. Negotiation of RCEP was being delayed, but negotiating parties agreed in July of 2018 to advance negotiation to reach agreement by the end of 2018.

    Economic integration of East Asia becomes more and more important to maintain the trade regime in the Asia-Pacific which is free and based on rule and to prevent the expansion of protectionism caused by Trump Administration.

  • 児玉 昌己
    日本EU学会年報
    2008年 2008 巻 28 号 151-174,321
    発行日: 2008/04/01
    公開日: 2011/04/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the context of the development of the EU's policy towards the Korean Peninsula and North East Asia the aim of this article is to analyze and evaluate the EU's policy towards the North Korea. While there has been extensive scholarly work undertaken on the role and impact of the EU in an international context there have been few studies on the relations between the EU and the North Korea-the ‘world's last unreformed Stalinist state’.
    The paper will focus on the way the EU is handling relations with the North, especially in light of the North's ballistic and nuclear missile developments and the absence of human rights in the country. In so doing it will be divided into four sections. First, it will highlight the explanations of certain EU actors in charge of the external relations with the North. Here the thoughts of DG personnel in the European Commission and the Committee on Foreign Affairs/Commission des affaires étrangères (AFET) in the European Parliament will be drawn upon. It will also touch upon the formation of the delegation for relations with the Korean Peninsula (DKOR).
    Secondly, a short history of the relations between the two will be undertaken by paying attention to the Korean Energy Development Organization (KEDO) and the EU's rapid establishment of diplomatic relations with the North. The change of the political context between the two, due to the missile launches in July and the nuclear test in October 2006, will also be examined.
    Thirdly, the ways in which the European Parliament is dealing with the issues in light of recent deterioration in relations across the Korean Peninsula are also commented upon.
    Fourthly, EU's policy towards the human rights in the North is analyzed. This includes the attention paid to the issue of ‘slave labor’ of the North Korean workers in Europe that is directly related with the EU's emphasis on human rights as part of its own d'être. This issue is also connected with the problem as to whether the products of the Kaesong industrial complex should be included in the EU-ROK Free Trade Agreement, which is presently under negotiation.
    As a result of the analyses of the EU's approach to the North, four interrelated problems are identified as problematic:
    First, the delay associated with decision-making in the EU. Second the problem emanating from the EU's non-participation at the ‘Six-Way Party Talks’. Third is the continuing lack of a common policy towards the North. Finally the problem incurred by the policies connected with the so called ‘Sunshine Policy’ that originated with South Korean President Kim Dae Jung in 1998.
    In conclusion, it can be said that since the present policy of the EU is to support the ‘Sunshine Policy’, it is becoming increasingly incompatible with the ideas and stipulations laid out in the Treaty of the European Union-in particular the terrible human rights conditions in the North. It also leads to a gross under-estimation of the military threat of the North by aligning itself with a pro-north player who has come under fire for granting unconditional aid to the North.
  • 岡本 信広
    比較経済研究
    2014年 51 巻 2 号 2_31-2_41
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2014/08/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    中国が積極的に推進するアジアでの経済統合について,空間経済学が想定する自国市場効果を産業連関分析によるフィードバック効果,スピルオーバー効果から推計する。推計の結果,中国のフィードバック効果は地域内で最も大きなものであるとともに,アジア各国は中国への依存も強めている.したがって中国では自国市場効果が働いていることを示唆しており,経済統合のメリットを享受している.
  • 下渡 敏治
    フードシステム研究
    2015年 22 巻 2 号 85-96
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2015/12/08
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Japan's agriculture and food sector, while taking numerous twists and turns, has progressed stepwise along a path of trade liberalization of agricultural and food products. Trade liberalization is one of the important factor of globalization for the agriculture and food sector (food system). A second factor of globalization for the food system is the advancement of foreign direct investment in the food industry. Against a backdrop of Japanese yen appreciation against the United States dollar, which was particularly striking after the mid-1980s, food manufacturers began to establish a great number of production plants and raw material procurement bases in Asia, leading to the importation of large quantities of raw materials. The third factor of globalization for the Japanese food system is the signing of bilateral and multiple Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs)with other countries. Japan has signed 15 EPAs with various countries, and is currently proceeding with negotiations for participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Furthermore, the Japanese government has begun structural reform to advance globalization of its stagnating food system based on a Global Food Value Chain strategy. As a result of these policies, the food system, which is composed of forestry, fisheries, food manufacturing, food distribution, and restaurant industries, and up to this point, had a foundation in the domestic market, is being forced to undergo structural change from an intra national to a transnational food system, i.e., an international system that requires the formation of cooperative partnerships with food systems in other countries.
  • 中田 達也
    法政治研究
    2015年 First 巻 265-312
    発行日: 2015/03/29
    公開日: 2017/07/06
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
    Disciplines on fisheries subsidies have been discussed continuously even after the breakdown (2008) of WTO Doha Round. Specially after USA participated in all TPP fields, TPP has been paid hot attention all through the world. Recently lots of states have made attempt to create new international trade rules through the formation and accumulation of Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and/or Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA). TPP consisted of 12 states since Japan participated in TPP in 2013 has occupied approximately 40% economic scale in the world. That's why TPP could be a symbol of FTA and/or EPA. TPP is trying to create a new policy including ambitious non-trade concerns such as an independent chapter 'Environment.' It contains disciplines on fisheries subsidies. This article aims to examine the significance of disciplines on fisheries subsidies in the draft chapter 'Environment' referring to confidential but partially revealed information relating to TPP. "Whether such provisions could take the opportunity to proliferate at the whole international level" will be examined. In addition, what a kind of paradigm shift is emerging in the context that disciplines on fisheries subsidies have been continuously argued and negotiated among states will be explored.
  • 品川 優
    農業経済研究
    2015年 87 巻 1 号 64-72
    発行日: 2015/06/25
    公開日: 2017/07/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿の目的は,韓国が米の関税化にどのように対応しようとしているのかを,所得補償および構造政策の側面から明らかにすることである.専業農家率が高く,農工間所得格差が大きいため,政策面では零細・高齢農家の所得補償が構造政策よりも重視されている.構造政策では,新たにトゥルニョク経営体を提起している.だが,協業組織ではないため規模の経済が作用せず,コスト削減には結び付いていない.その一方で,米の高付加価値,販売強化に力点をおいており,販売面から生産の協業化に発展する可能性は有している.

  • 馬田 啓一
    国際経済
    2006年 2006 巻 57 号 149-165
    発行日: 2006/10/10
    公開日: 2010/07/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Doha Round of multilateral trade talks under the WTO is faltering badly. A confrontation between developed and developing countries is bogging down efforts to push negotiations forward. Tired of difficult progress in the multilateral trade negotiations, industrialized countries are now tending to push bilateral and regional free trade agreements(FTA). Direct effect of FTA on the WTO system is important. The problem concerning FTA is whether FTAs are building blocks or stumbling blocks to global free trade. Using FTA may be an effective strategy, but it is also risky.
    It is thus important to reinforce the WTO system whose job is to promote multilateral trade liberalization at a time FTAs are becoming common. If the WTO system loses effect, world trade will shrink, hurting the industrial countries. The major trading countries must play a constructive leadership role to prevent a collapse. What should Japan do to foster a new round? Japan must make a bigger offer, such as opening its agricultural markets much wider to imports. Real answer is domestic agricultural reform.
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