The aim of this paper is to define the overall practice of pottery making by Ari potters as one of their community-based technologies, and to elucidate its characteristics particularly by focusing on their open-firing. In comparison with the firing method of Japanese pottery making, Ari's open-firing was at first expected to cause an explosion or cracking of pots due to its abrupt rise of temperature. However, experiments on the ratio of contraction and water absorption of clay showed that Ari potters prevent the pots from exploding, even when the temperature of open-firing drastically goes up, by mixing plenty of ground-shard with clay. Ari potters have achieved an effective way of making durable pots with minimum time and resources, as they are much concerned about the amount and species of plants for fuel and their appropriate control of firing. In the analysis of Ari vocabularies for evaluating the traits of pots all through the process from making to selling, I found that specific folk categories which is malki and aani, in evaluating the durability and quality were common to both makers and users. I also found that Ari potters explain the situation when pots are broken during open-firing by using aani expression. In conclusion, I redefined the community-based technologies that are influenced by the evaluation and the behavior are based on the various relationships which are human-material relationships for making and classifying pots and human-human relationships for exchanging pots.

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The paper investigates the educational philosophy and practices of Achimota School, which was established in colonial Ghana in 1927 as the governmental model school of leadership education. Achimota's education aimed at developing the character of leader who is ‘western in the intellectual attitude, but remained African in sympathy’. To fulfil this objective, Achimota developed its curriculum according to the socio-cultural background of African students, while trying to provide the finest education available at the British Public Schools. The former part of the paper untangles the discourse in the process of defining ‘African tradition’ to be taught at Achimota. In fact, tradition was never a fixed set of activities, but diverse norms and practices of different ethnic groups which were constantly changing as practiced. By participating in the process of codifying “tradition” for Achimota, various groups of people such as colonial officials, missionaries, European educationists, traditional chiefs and African nationalists were involved in inventing a set of practices called “tradition”. The paper also reviews educational ideas which were popular in Europe and America of the period and seems to have become the philosophical stimulants of Achimota education. These includes: American progressive education, American black industrial education, and British Victorian moralism in education. Among them, in this paper, the author will focus on the influence of British Victorian moralism, especially that of Public Schools. Then, the last part describes the Achimota education experienced by students, which was a mixed product of two traditions-British public school tradition and ‘African tradition’. While the School tried to assimilate Africans to British Public School norms and European civilization, it also devoted a great deal of energy to adapt to the African ‘tradition’. Even so, what actually happened was the creation of new Achimota culture which picked essences from different ‘traditions’ and remoulded them.

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The economic crisis occurred in Tunisia in the early 19^th century. It was caused by the change of Tunisian foreign trade. In this paper, I focus on the contrast of Tunisian foreign trade in the late 18^th century and the early 19^th century, and make clear the mechanism of aggravating economic crisis.
The Tunisian foreign trade in the early 19^th century has two characteristics: the one is a high dependence on olive oil exports to Marseille and the other is a sharp increase in the amount of total import. It means that a poor olive harvest generates a heavy trade deficit. In addition, the shortage of payments for European products resulted in huge debts to European merchants. The reason behind this economic crisis is that the Tunisian ruling class constantly consumed over their revenue and they also made up for the lack of their funds with profits from olive oil exports. Such a temporizing solution aggravated the Tunisian economic situation, because it ended in a deeper dependence on olive oil exports and consequently arrived in a new and worse economic impasse. Tunisian economy more and more deeply depended on olive oil exports and turn into monoculture economy where one particular product affects strongly their economy. Tunisia fell into economic crisis in this way. In conclusion, the successive cycles of impasse and temporizing solution under overconsumption of Tunisian ruling class, accelerates a dependence on olive exports and intensifies Tunisian economic vulnerability. This is the mechanism of aggravating economic crisis in Tunisia in the early 19th century.

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This paper reviews the outcome of financial liberalization in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Some key assumptions of financial liberalization are questioned, using a three step procedure. One of the conclusions reported is that there is little to suggest that financial liberalization as implemented in SSA achieved its expected outcomes. Years after financial liberalization was introduced, bank interest rates and spreads remained high and credit to the private sector declined, which might actually have had the unintended effect of forcing even more enterprises than before to turn to the informal credit market. Moreover, a look into the distinctive market features of African countries suggests that the financial systems in the countries of Anglophone Africa have been found to perform much better than those in their Francophone counterparts. This inference lends support to the notion that the brand of financial liberalization that was indiscriminately implemented in SSA favored countries with a market-oriented tradition.

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The homelands of South Africa were the African labour reserves created during the colonial and apartheid eras. The land tenure administration was one of the main tools for the white government to control labour mobilization and influx. As a result of successive interventions, the distorted forms of communal land tenure systems were institutionalized in rural African reserves, adding a stark tenurial duality to contemporary South African economic structures. On the other hand, the imposition of so-called ‘pseudo-egalitarianism’ on African societies, ignoring their inherently endogenous dynamism, rather facilitated social divisions within African societies.
The theory of a dual economy in South African political science study has described African societies as homogeneous entities dependent on subsistent agriculture. On the other hand, a close historical investigation of land tenure institutions reveals the fact that rural societies have been divided into relatively educated individuals on one hand and conservative groups on the other hand, as if ‘two worlds’ in a dual economy. In this article, I try to present a new analytical framework to capture both institutional aspects of communal tenure and Africans' response to tenure administration, in order to understand rural communities in a dualistic South African economy. I also try to present a case study to apply the framework to analyzing current land use problems in my research area in Transkei from the perspective of ‘two worlds’ in a dual economy.

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