Societies in southeast Tanzania is considered as “matrilineal” and its characteristics and changes have been researched, however, the relationships between matriliny and patriliny have not been explicitly explored. This article indicated that among the Mwera, there are identities through unilineal double decent of patrilineal clan (kilawa) and matrilineal clan (ukoo), with patrilineal family name which became patrilineal. Ethnic groups other than the Mwera do not have consistent kilawa lineage. As for cross-cousin marriages conscious about the ukoo in southeast Tanzania: (1) it was not limited to cross-cousins among the matrilineal Mwera; (2) it become cross-cousin marriages within the same clan in patrilinialized ethnic groups (which was likely to have been between different ukoos in the traditional matrilineal societies); and (3) both patterns diminished after Ujamaa. Presently, patri-local marriages, patrilineal inheritance, and male or couple ownership of property are common. However, among inland Mwera, matri-local marriages and ownership of agricultural land by women living without their husbands are also visible. In this article, historical crossover of kilawa, ukoo, and family name lineages within the Mwera has become clear. Furthermore, manifestations of matriliny trend and patriliny trends of inheritances in the various “matrilineal” ethnic groups in southeast Tanzania have been analyzed.

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In many parts of Africa, people in the rural area use some kinds of weed and protect them in their cultivation fields. In this paper, I show the relationship between the Sandawe who live in the semi-arid area in Tanzania and false sesame (Ceratotheca sesamoides), a weed in their cultivation fields. I will especially focus on the usage of the weed as diet, and its preservation and sharing. The results are as follows; 1) the Sandawe assign great value to false sesame and tend it in their fields. 2) They gather false sesame in the rainy season both from one's own field and also from fields owned by other people as per their own custom practice. 3) They use the fresh leaves in the rainy season and dry the rest for usage in the dry season. 4) During the dry season, the dry leaves are shared among households. The sharing is quite fluid where it can be free, barter for other things or sold depending on social relationship between people involved but also based on individual assessment of the ones in need of goods. The foregoing sharing is only for some plants like false sesame, which are neither the crops nor the wild plants. In this regard, I argue that their usage of false sesame is a base for the ecology of false sesame and sharing them.

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[in Japanese]

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