This paper aims to examine the relationship between the 2024 US presidential election and information warfare, focusing on the disinformation measures taken by the US government to prevent interference in the presidential election from foreign governments and organizations believed to be supported by them. If information warfare is understood as “a form of political warfare by a nation targeting the government, military, private sector, and general public,” then if a nation engages in disinformation activities to guide the will of American voters and influence their voting behavior, it is information warfare for that nation. 　In this paper, we examined disinformation measures in the 2024 presidential election from the perspectives of the decentralization of election security, federal government measures, support from the federal military, sanctions, and state law regulations. We also considered new challenges, and finally considered the relationship between elections and information warfare.

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　This paper examines the reasons for the mainstreaming of extreme right-wing populist parties in Europe in terms of their communication methods. Why are some extreme right-wing populist parties more successful than others? Some researchers have noted that populist parties have great success when they appear to be “normal,” i.e., when their ideology is genuinely supported by people. So, this paper examines what populist parties are doing to make themselves appear to be “normal” parties. 　Unexpectedly, extreme right-wing populist parties have strong control over what they say on social media, and most of their posts are just promoting TV interviews they had already appeared in, or some event such as an autograph session. In our view, this is part of their strategy to show that they are more politically sophisticated and trustworthy than other extreme right-wing groups. Thus, successful extreme right-wing populist parties have chosen their strategies very rationally.

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　This paper examines the impact of political news coverage and advertising on voter cognition, attitudes, and behavior from a media psychology perspective. Drawing on theories of agenda-setting, priming, and framing, it examines how political information is disseminated through both traditional and digital media and how it shapes election outcomes. While online political advertising has gained prominence in recent elections, its effectiveness remains controversial. Research suggests that digital advertising primarily mobilizes supporters and amplifies campaign messages rather than changing voter preferences. However, the increased reliance on targeted advertising has raised concerns about selective exposure, filter bubbles, and political polarization, which may limit access to diverse viewpoints and reinforce ideological divides. In addition, privacy concerns and the lack of transparency in data-driven political advertising pose significant regulatory challenges. The rise of generative AI further complicates the electoral landscape, enabling highly personalized campaign strategies while increasing the risks of misinformation, algorithmic bias, and manipulation. These developments underscore the need for a balanced and ethical approach to digital political communication that safeguards democratic integrity. By analyzing these trends, this paper contributes to a broader understanding of media influence on elections and offers policy recommendations to enhance transparency, accountability, and voter awareness in the evolving information ecosystem.

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　The purpose of this paper is to consider Act No.69 of June 26, 2024, on Measures to Prevent Sexual Violence against Children Conducted by Education and Childcare Business Operators, in Japan. 　The Act prevents sex offenders from working as education and childcare workers, but its scope is narrow. In addition, only a limited number of certified business operators are able to confirm to the government whether or not a worker is a sex offender. 　Therefore, the author proposes to widen the scope and introduce another confirmation system and certification system that can be used by various business operators. This includes measures for sex offenders to get assistance not to commit sexual violence against children and enable them to work as education and childcare workers as well.

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　This article analyzes and compares the Japanese and European debates on how to conceptualize the fundamental rights protection of data subjects with regard to the handling of personal data and information. In Japan, the right to control one’s own information, which has been recognized since the 1970s, has expanded and changed through several stages of development. In the current debate, it has been suggested that the right to appropriate handling of personal information should be at the heart of the fundamental rights protection. In some member states of the European Union, certain individual rights have also developed since the 1970s, in particular the right to informational self-determination in Germany. Meanwhile, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union enshrines a right to the protection of personal data. This fundamental right needs to be specified in a unique way in terms of content and doctrine. The results of the article include the thesis that the protection of fundamental rights with regard to personal data and information should no longer be understood primarily through the lens of the control paradigm. Instead, a multi-layered, multi-dimensional, and multi-faceted concept needs to be elaborated, which calls for overarching regulatory mechanisms as well as individual rights.

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　In the first half of this series of papers, we haveanalyzed past legislative history to clarify the interpretation of the phrases “any information related to an individual”, “can be easily matched with other information” and “can identify an individual” in the Japanese Personal Information Protection Law, and to presume the proper interpretation of the definition of “personal information”. 　In the latter part of the series, we will clarify what the purpose of this law is and what is envisioned in the “rights and interests of individuals” by examining the literature of the past 50 years in Western countries, prove that the presumed interpretation is reasonable, and discuss how the Japanese Personal Information Protection Law should be revised.

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　Data localization measures and cross-border data transfer regulations have been tightened in various countries, causing conflicts with the extraterritorial application of U.S. discovery laws. Recently, issues of cross-border data disclosure in judicial proceedings have been discussed in regional trade agreements on electronic commerce. As a proponent of the Data Free Flow with Trust (DFFT) and co-convener of the Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) at the WTO, Japan must present proposals for cross-border data flows that are acceptable to other countries. Japan should advance its domestic information legislation to facilitate cross-border evidence collection and propose an effective “Japan Model” that incorporates clear fundamental principles at international forums. This aims to limit data localization measures in other countries and establish a framework to reasonably restrict the extraterritorial application of U.S. discovery, striving for an international consensus on cross-border data flows.

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　This paper describes from three perspectives that the Statistics Act is a special law for the provisions on personal information held by the Act on the Protection of Personal Information. 　First, I pointed out that the Statistics Act has provisions that are demarcated from the Act on the Protection of Personal Information. Furthermore, I pointed out that the Statistics Act has provisions corresponding to the specific regulations for administrative organs, etc. under the Act on the Protection of Personal Information. 　Second, I pointed out that the Statistics Act and the Act on the Protection of Personal Information have interacted and undergone changes since the time of the former act. 　Third, I pointed out that the Statistic Act and Regulations have an agency equivalent to the Health Data Access Bodies, which is the core of secondary use in the European Health Data Space. That is, the National Statistics Center.

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