The aim of this paper is to investigate the youth labor process of temporary jobs and to explain factors to prevent a transition from temporary jobs-“freeter” to permanent jobs- “seisyain” in the case of “Movers” in Yokohama city. In particular, this investigation is focused on a social norm, a manner of action and a peer group. Young men in temporary jobs have a manner of action in connection to a social norm and a status of temporary jobs and have a peer group in a labor process. Temporary jobs are located in a differential status from permanent jobs. And young men in temporary jobs are understood as a deviance from a social norm. Accordingly their experiences in temporary jobs and against a social norm bring them a manner of action in a labor process. In this case, that is a differentiation against old men and inexperience men in same temporary job, and is a opposition to regulations in an office and men in a permanent employment-“seisyain”. And through their unique actions they become absorbed in jobs more and more. But, when they have an intention to get permanent jobs-“seisyain” by reason of an unstable employment, they can't get it smoothly. A manner of action and a peer group prevent them from getting it. For them this is an unexpected result. In this case, factors to prevent a transition from temporary jobs-“freeter”are brought by not only changes of labor markets or a lack of vocational trainings but also a manner of action and a peer group which is an adaptation to temporary jobs.
Emotion Management by Service Workers: Case Studies on Livelihood Protection Case Workers Yuka OMURA (Graduate Student, Waseda University) The current Japanese economy has the characteristic of so-called service economy in which the proportion of service workers tends to increase. Within the categories of such service are the “human-care service” workers who are required to provide “emotional labor,” a term specifically defined by A. R. Hochschild. They must manage their emotion to adapt to the appropriate emotional states and their expressions required by the work. While engaged in emotional labor, contemporary service workers sell their minds, as A.R. Hochschild emphasized, and such emotional labor produces negative effects among them. Many researchers, however, criticized Hochschild, in that emotional labor also exerts positive effects on workers by promoting worker autonomy, emotional management skills, and private or intimate customer relationships. The aim of this paper is to examine emotions experienced by livelihood protection case workers and management of emotions both among the workers and their clients. Additionally, their effects on both the workers and their clients would be considered. In this study, ten livelihood protection workers were interviewed. Based on the interviews, this paper analyzes the emotion management and its impact on workers. Under the pressure of serious livelihood-related conditions of their clienteles, livelihood protection workers experience various emotions-sympathy, anxiety, sorrow, joy, etc.?and manage them. They should never react emotionally and accomplish their tasks of understanding client needs and supplying proper assistances. In view of the task, livelihood protection workers build trust-relationship with clients while keeping adequate distance fronl them. But there exist certain contradictions that are difficult to deal with. First, the norm of their task itself has inherent contradictions. Typically, they need to adopt their clients and have empathy with them but keep away from getting over-involved and maintain appropriate relationships with the clients. Second, the relationship between livelihood protection workers and clients is unequal and there is an absolute status differences between them. It so happens that livelihood protection workers are not able to think of their clients objectively. Third, there are some gaps between present law or legal institutions and the present conditions. Hence livelihood protection workers suffer from conflicts between the organizations they belong to and client needs.
This paper will study Japanese occupational groups from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Most of the previous research regarding to modern Japanese occupational groups has shortcomings related to the fact that those studies were usually a comparison between Japanese occupational groups and European craft unions, and tended to underestimate Japanese occupational groups by labeling their non-European characteristics as evidence of backwardness. Departing from the weaknesses mentioned above, recent studies have gradually realized, the importance of reevaluating the characteristics unique to Japanese occupational groups and describing their historical significance. This paper will aim at giving an account of the unique characteristics of Japanese occupational groups by focusing on miners, and more specifically, the social solidarity that existed among them. Japanese miners in the past formed communities known as Tomoko, which were characterized by high levels of solidarity and mutual aid, even though these workers were highly mobile. Tomoko communities expanded the most when the mining industry was undergoing rapid modernization. Rapid development of the mining industry caused a shortage of labor and brought about a great demand for miners. During that time, miners frequently changed their workplaces, moving from one mine to another within short periods of time. Even under these circumstances, strong solidarity was created at the Tomoko communities. What then, was the bond that united miners who constantly moved from one place to another? In other words, how could these unstable miners brought together into the communities? This paper will aim at discovering the source of the solidarity within occupational groups by examining the correlation between mobility and solidarity, two apparently contradictory phenomena that are attributed to miners.
The relationship between Japan and Thailand within the industrialization has two aspects, that is, ODA and FDL. The funding of ADB, JBIC and JICA has propelled the projects such as constructing the dams, but the rural village people lost their farm land, industry and health. Some research reports by Japanese, which studied the ordinary community around the industrial estates, have the unsuitable standpoint for the current industrialized situation. Because these reports grasped only the ordinary village people without the industrial workers. This paper aims to analyse the type of workers related to the Rojana industrial park in the informalization, and to understand the stakeholders with the economic development. There are two aspects for dividing into classes, i. e. their birthplace and industry. Organized workers into the regional union consist of the large scale enterprises and Japanese SME workers, excluding Thai SME workers and homeworkers. Organized ones have the better work conditions than the informalized labour, but they also face the difficult situation, for example the very long working hours, shift work and the family welfare. The labour movement in the community progresses steadily, but the labour doesn't recognize well the environmental movement such as the Assembly of the Poor. It could be pointed that within the social movement the important point for mutual understanding especially between the labour and the poor is the presentation of their common issues, e. g. related to the safe and health.