This essay aims to re-examine Japanese “Dekasegi” labour migration and to point out a new framework for case-studies. “Dekasegi” workers leave their villages to earn income for a temporary period. In preceding studies, the term has been applied to several different types of labour migration without clearly addressing certain important points in the respective definitions. Among these are the “attitude” and “behaviour” of the workers and the “term” for which workers are away from their homes. In this essay, “Dekasegi” will be re-defined from the viewpoint of workers’ subjective logic. Then, “Dekasegi” apart from daily labour migration, will be classified into 1) modern labour’s type of “Dekasegi” and 2) the traditional type of “Dekasegi”. These two types mainly differ in two social characters, the relation of 1) the social structure of the village and 2) the management of the “ie”, or household.
This paper aims to clarify the women‘s participation structure of labour market in Thailand. The sources to analyse obtain from Population and Housing Census, Report of the Labor Force Survey, and the sampling survey in Bangkok and Udonthani. The findings of this analysis are as follows. 1) M-type employed structure by age group or cohort is not found according to any categories, for example as a whole, time series, occupational categories and municipal/non-municipal areas. In Thailand, there is the house wives’ norm that women must be staying at home, but the age cohort of childbirth centers around teenage or the first half of twenties. And the additional factor is the higher level of participation in miners than that in developed countries. 2) In women's cases of Thailand, the blue collar category was increasing, but from 1980’s to 1990’s this category has declined in twenties age cohort. In contrast, sales, services, and white collar workers were increasing as usually. The rapid economic growth demanded for the women's white collar workers more than men's. 3) In Thailand, there are also many islamic communities as other Asian countries. The norm of islamic community that women cannot participate the labour market outside of the household effects the ratio of economic activity of islamic women. But in Thailand, the effect is not strong in contrast with islamic countries. 4) At the income per month of white collar workers, these differentials between men and women have reduced in recent years. It would be said that women's social status is evaluated with their educational careers as achieved status. But excluding professionals, the occupied ratio of managerial women's workers is low as about 30% which compared with men's workers as 100%. And clerical workers still have a large gap concerning their salaries by gender.
The Japanese industrial relations system is based mainly on the seniority wage system and the life time employment system pose some disadvantaged to women, who tend to give up their career due to marriage and child bearing. Nonetheless, the Japanese industrial relations system has been changing. I want to discuss the changes in the Japanese industrial relations system and how these affect the career of women, using a case study of a travel agency company that changed its personal management system. The findings are; the training and promotion system in the male-dominated jobs were not changed, while the recruiting, training, and wage system in the female-dominated jobs were changed. As the result, the number of women in the primary labor market have been decreasing, pushing further disadvantages for women. Also, competition in the primary labor market has been severe, as the seniority wage system was changed to commission-based system. Hence, women employment have been turned into contractual basis, which make them vulnerable to termination as managers want to cut down on human expenditure to survive competition in the primary market. In those situations, the gender differences in the workplace have been intensified.
Because chance structures in working life are gendered, to describe the positions in paid-work life by the index or categories common to men and women has been seen problematic. Consequently, most of studies about status-attainment process analyzed men and women separately. Therefore one serious problem occurred: the invisualization of the gender-relation effects on status-attainment process and status allocation system. This article adopts ‘decision making capacity’ as an index of the position in paid-work area common to men and women and examines gender inequality in status allocation system. The main part of this study involves the testing for five hypotheses that attempt to explain the distribution of decision making capacity. The first hypothesis, which focuses on the occupational characteristics, received limited support. Being supervisory occupation has positive significant effect. The second hypothesis, which focuses on position within organization, is strongly supported. Especially organizational title has strong positive significant effect on decision making capacity. The third hypothesis, which focuses on the degree of organizational specialization, is supported. Higher organizational specialization has negative significant effect, although its effect is insignificant when we use women samples only. The forth hypothesis, which focuses on respondents’ ascription such as human capital and family responsibility, received very limited support. Among women employee education has positive significant effect on decision making capacity. But among men employee or total employee, its explanatory power is lost. The fifth hypothesis, which focuses on gender inequality, is supported. This study adopts two aspects of grasp of ‘gender inequality’: ‘existence of predominance of men/women’ and ‘existence of certain relationship in which “sex” has any sense’. The test results showed the existence of latter aspects of gender inequality.