Tokyo has been the world's largest city twice. During the feudal period, population reached 1.5 million by the end of the 18th century, recording the maximum urban population of a city without experiencing an Industrial Revolution. Edo, as it was then called, had a city plan for centralized feudalism with strict social stratification and land use zoning. It was a pedestrian city, a result being a dominance of narrow roads even today. The bi-nuclear city plan, with its intended “irregularity”, still influences the urban spatial structure of present-day Tokyo. Modernization proceeded rapidly after the Meiji Restoration of 1868. The railroad age has deeprooted in the Japanese soil, and Tokyo still is constructing new lines. Efficiency has long been looked for, having resulted in the realization of an extremely dense rail network, and also in the expectation to be a leading information center in the global society, but yet the destruction of traditional townscapes, the insufficient supply of adequate houses, etc. are the problems. The loose planning has caused a concentration of more than 30 million people and a mix of all urban functions. Terrible congestion occurs at certain spots, but so far, Tokyo does not seem to be paralyzed. Rather it seems to invite more inmigrants in its expanding metropolitan region. Greater Tokyo is now growing rapidly as a global supercity. But the possible catastrophes, natural and politico-economic, still are unnegligible topics, if not nightmares, among the Tokyo citizens.
This paper aims to analyze the status of Tokyo in Japan, through analysis of the city's management function, particularly its high-order urban function in the realms of economic management. A singular characteristic of Tokyo is the concentration of corporate headquarters, which is greater than in any other city and in any other region. Since the function of corporate headquarters is one of the easiest means of grasping urban characteristics, this study analyzes the headquarters locations of large private enterprises to describe the status of Tokyo. In Japan, the concentration of corporate headquarters in Tokyo was greatest in 1985 at 45.3% of the total. This concentration has always existed from the earliest times and continues strongly to the present day. It also necessarily leads to the relatively low concentration in second ranked Osaka, and the trend is likely to continue. The concentration is all the more pronounced in the case of foreign affiliated companies, and results in a significant difference in quality between Tokyo and other cities.
The present study, first, investigates the accumulation of domestic and foreign capital in Tokyo. Second, it describes the impacts of capital accumulation and its flow on urban structure of the study area. Finally, it analyzes the relationships in capital flow between Tokyo and the other regions, which serve as source regions of capital inflow to Tokyo and investment regions from Tokyo.
The purpose of this study is to describe the residential segregation patterns by 5-year age group and their recent changes in the Tokyo metropolitan area, and to explain the effects of migration on the segregation pattern. This study adopted the viewpoint of cohorts, and yielded the following results: First, most of the segregation patterns of 14 age grouups show a concentric tendency; the age groups 0-14 and 30-44 tend to be distributed more densely in the outer part of the metropolitan area (Outer Tokyo), and the age groups 15-29 and 45 and over tend to be distributed more densely in the inner part of the metropolitan area (Inner Tokyo). However, in the period between 1980 and 1985 the age groups 15- 19 and 45-49 shifted their distributions from Inner Tokyo to Outer Tokyo, and the age group 30-34 shifted from Outer Tokyo to Inner Tokyo. Second, two main migration flows are observed: the migration of the young from outside of the metropolitan area to Inner Tokyo, and the migration of young families from Inner Tokyo to Outer Tokyo. These two migration flows have effects on creating the principal age segregation patterns. Third, with applied cohort analysis, an increase of the young who were born and brought up in the Tokyo metropolitan area, “the Native Young”, was observed, as well as a decrease of the young who immigrate into the metropolitan area from the outside, “the Foreign Young”. Fourth, the recent change of the segregation pattern of the 15- 19 age group after 1980 is caused not only by the recent decrease of “the Foreign Young”, but also by the increase of “the Native Young” who moved to Outer Tokyo with their parents in the past. Fifth, the age segregation in the Tokyo metropolitan area will be probably weakened by the maturity of the suburbs in the next decades.
In the shinden settlements that were developed in the frontier areas on the Musashino upland, plain forests were a basis for upland field cultivation, providing fallen leaves as fertilizer, and suburban agriculture was dominant there. When new main highways were constructed in such an area, farmers were faced with rapid urbanization. In this study, the responses of farmers to urbanization under the influence of the opening of the Shin-Ohme highway were investigated, taking the case of the border area of Kodaira-shi, Tanashi-shi, and Higashikurume-shi. Generally, the first response of farmers to urbanization is to find non-agricultural jobs for some of their family members. However, when farmers who have been reluctant to sell their lands sell parts of their lands for roads and to real estate agencies, they usually build or rebuild new houses for themselves or apartment houses or houses for rent on their premises with the money earned. Some farmers owing lands along the main highways have leased parts of their lands to automotive-related companies. Leased lands are used as new and used car shops, restaurants, material depositories, warehouses, and distribution centers. As a side business which makes use of agricultural lands, the operation of sports facilities such as golf practice ranges is outstanding. In the area considered here, six golf practice ranges have been constructed, producing one of the largest concentration of golf practice ranges. Some ranges have not only a batting practice range and tennis courts next door to them, but also a restaurant or a golf shop for customers. Farmers who operate specialized sports facilities are therefore no longer farmers but entrepreneurs. The increase in land prices makes it difficult for an average salaried worker to buy a detached house, but urban farmers have built apartment houses or houses for rent, which accommodate a large population. Thus, the population density has risen in this area. Furthermore, since increasing car ownership has created a large demand for parking lots, many urban farmers have constructed them. In this way, urban farmers get income from such non-agricultural activities as operation of apartment houses or houses for rent and lease of lands. In the remaining cultivated lands, farmers grow vegetables under contract with supermarkets, or sell them directly.
Kanagawa Prefecture is located in the southwestern part of the Tokyo Metropolitan Region. In this prefecture, urbanization and industrialization have been proceeding remarkably, and so there has been a large increase in population engaged in urban jobs. Kanagawa Prefecture had a population of 3, 443, 162 in 1960, but it increased to 7, 431, 974 in 1985. On the contrary, the number and the population of farm households have been decreasing. In these 25 years the farming population showed a 50% decrease. The rate of decrease in agricultural land was 54.7% in the same period. Miura is the only exception: although it is located just inside the commuting zone of Tokyo, the area of agricultural land has shown a slight decrease only. It is well known for producing watermelons, cabbages and radishes shipped to the Tokyo metropolitan markets. The area of orchards increased from 1960 to 1975 in Kanagawa Prefecture. Since 1975, however, the area has been decreasing slightly. Citrus orchards, especially of mandarin oranges, occupy the majority of orchards. They are found mostly on the slopes at the foot of mountains in the western part, some being used as tourist orchards. Stock raising as dairying, pig raising and poultry raising have decreased in terms of number of farmers since 1960. However, the number of cows, pigs and layers has not changed so much since 1975, resulting in a remarkable increase in the per-raiser productivity. By applying WEAVER'S method modified by Doi, types of agricultural income according to location from 1960 to 1985 have been clarified. There were many municipalities or statistical units where the income from vegetables ranked at the top among agricultural incomes: they were found in the rapidly urbanizing eastern and central parts. Meanwhile, many western municipalities were characterized by income from fruits in top rank. The number of units with the category of flowers in the crop combination has increased in the central part. The western part, however, has seen an increase of nursery trees, whereas the eastern and central parts have increasingly more places with the categories of dairy farming, pig raising, and poultry raising. Most of the agricultural products here are sold to the Tokyo metropolitan markets.
Landforms of the main part of Tokyo Metropolis consist of Pleistocene uplands and Holocene lowlands. The original forms of upland surfaces are sea bottoms of the Last Interglacial Age, or the fluvial surface of the Last Glacial. These terrace surfaces are covered with thick air-laid tephra layers. They were supplied by westerly sitting volcanoes such as Mt. Fuji and the Hakone Caldera during the late Pleistocene. The uplands are dissected by valleys whose heads are situated on the upland surface. Some valleys in the upland were formed by remnant streams on the upland surface where tephras were accumulated. The origin of these valleys dates back to the Last Glacial. The lowlands were the places where some large valleys were cut during the Last Glacial. The marine deposits of the Postglacial Transgression buried these valleys. Fluvial systems, including the Japan's largest river Tone, developed after that. These deposits formed the “soft ground”. The outline of the evolution of Tokyo Lowland during the late Holocene is shown by the method of historical geomorphology. Since the 17th century, river courses have been changed artificially and the coastal area along Tokyo Bay has been reclaimed and filled up. The Tokyo Lowland is the most transformed area by human activities in Japan. The characteristics of the mobile belt such as crustal movements and volcanic activities have played as important a role as the ecstatic changes in the landform of the uplands and lowlands of Tokyo. Human activities are increasing on the landform of Tokyo.
Hydrological conditions in Tokyo have been greatly modified by recent urbanization. Extension of impermeable land surfaces, waterworks, drainage or sewerage systems and pumping of groundwater are the main causes of this modification. Historical changes in the water balance in Tokyo are estimated including natural and anthropogenic processes. Although the result is qualitative and very rough, an extreme deficit in the balance has been obtained for the 1960's. Since the sources of water in rivers depend on the yield from springs, distribution and activity of springs are investigated. About 300 springs were active in 1986, yielding several tens of thousands of cubic meters of water per day. For the conservation of water quality, yield from groundwater is as important as sewage treatment. A good waterscape also depends on clear river flow.
This paper describes the urban climate in Tokyo phenomenally from the viewpoint of regional geography. Climatic elements discussed here are temperature, precipitation, humidity and solar radiation. There are previous studies, written in English, such as those by YOSHINO (1981), KAWAMURA (1985) and YAMASHITA (1988), and so this paper is generally intended to deal with others than those noted in the above-mentioned three papers. Secular changes of seasonal variations of air temperature are shown at first. Next, Tokyo's heat island intensity is shown diurnally and seasonally as an isopleth. Using Fuchu and Koshigaya as the rural control sites for Tokyo, heat island intensity and its diurnal frequency distribution are obtained by the temperature differences with Tokyo. Its behavior is also explained by the difference of wind direction and speed. Annual variation of precipitation is shown since the beginning of the observation. Moreover, the change of days is shown with ranked precipitation amounts as follows: 0.0 mm, 0.1-1.0 mm, 1.1-9.9 mm, 10.0 mm and over. Effects of a city on precipitation are not so simple because the number of convective rain days with 31 mm and over is very variable dependent on the atmospheric conditions of the period. Humidity has decreased very drastically for the last two decades. Reduction index of insolation in Tokyo is shown as monthly variations, and this is a very good indicator for total air pollution. Judging from tendency of this indicator, air pollution condition in Tokyo is not always improved in these days.
The Tokyo Lowland has suffered from natural disasters several times, because thick soft ground is developed over a broad area and the ground height is low. In addition, land below sea level came into existence during the 1930's due to land subsidence and continued to expand. It now covers about 68 km2. The Great Kanto Earthquake brought the largest damage ever caused by a natural disaster in Japan. Fires were to blame for the majority of lost lives and destoyed houses in the Tokyo Lowland. As a result, countermeasures for fires have been regarded as most important against an earthquake. The Tokyo Lowland has suffered from three separate types of flood disaster: due to the collapse of river banks, storm surges and inland waters. Also, there is a risk of flood disaster induced by an earthquake. Two characteristics are remarkable in the Tokyo Metropolitan Government's policy for urban disaster prevention. One is that disaster-proof city planning should be based on security, but works for an emergency should fit in with everyday life. The other is that construction of disaster prevention facilities should be based on the long-term urban development plan. These have been well realized in the several kinds of countermeasures undertaken in and around the Koto District, especially in construction of the Shirahige Higashi Disaster Prevention Base. By examining relationships among land conditions, landuse, natural disasters and countermeasures on the Tokyo Lowland, it is proven that artificial changes to the natural conditions and landuse done in past become the threshold conditions for improvement works in the future.
The main theme of this paper is which relations exist actually or should exist in the future between the actors in the city and its citizens, who have the right to control the city. In other words, the actors themselves are not always the “masters of the city”, because of the separation between the daytime and the nighttime population in urban municipalities. According to the definition of Japanese democracy, the masters should be the inhabitants, who have the right to participate in decision about the urban future. They must also be citizens who elect their representatives, examining and modifying the scenario of urban planning which is proposed by specialists. But one of the serious problems in Tokyo is that the nighttime population is decreasing in the central part of the city, and the inhabitants of the suburbs are losing their feeling of being citizens of the large city, because they have to travel such a long distance to work in the center of the city. Using the levels of participation and demand, the author proposes four types of inhabitans; traditional, indifferent, claimant and modern types. If the type with consciousness of being a citizen continues to decrease, the city will possibly decline into a sort of slum or ruin with a deteriorating environment where nobody can find any inhabitants in terms of the classic definition.