Recently foreign nationals who visit Japan have increased in number every year with the rise of international exchange, whereby the number of foreign nationals who stay in Japan for a long time also have increased. And the education of foreign worker's children is posing serious problems for Japan. Especially, Nisei and Sansei-Long Term Residents from Brazil, Peru and other countries have rapidly increased since the amendment of the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act (enforced from June 1, 1990). It is not commonly accepted that foreign nationals have 'the legal right to receive education', but it is desirable to make effort for guarantee of their educational opportunity. The International Covenant on Human Rights (Covenant A) recognizes 'the legal right to receive education' as an individual, and on this legal ground, our public shools allow to entrance into schools with free fees and textbooks for foreign workers' children by their intentions. The education of Korean's children in Japan receives the same treatments for Japanese children under the provisons of the Japan-Korea Agreement on the Legal Status. And this provisions can be applied to all other foreign worker's children. To our regret, the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture has adapted more passive attitude to deal these ploblems. The local self-governing bodies such as Tokyo, Ohsaka, Yokohama, Hamamatu and Mouka (Totigi) where have many foreign worker's children, make every effort to guarantee their educational opportunity, but it is hard to overcome these ploblems without national sopport. Attitudes towards the educational needs of ethnic minority children have changed over the years, a new concept of education for a multi-ethnic society began to emerge in all the countries of the world. From now on, it is our serious ploblems to develop the education for ethnic minority children.

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This paper deals with some educational issues from increase of foreign workers' children in Japan. There are more than a million foreign nationals who have completed the registration of foreign nationals in Japan, 65% of them are people permitted permanent residence. The rest are those who entered Japan with a different "status of residence". In addition, there are those who entered as "Temporary Visitor". Who are the "foreign workers' children" for whom educational administrators and school authorities should be concerned with and interested in? What problems do we face in having these children in our schools? The children of foreign nationals of "permanent residence" are mainly Korean and Chinese children born in Japan. They may attend, if their parents wish, and in fact they have enrolled in Japanese schools. They have no difficulty in communicating in Japanese. The children of those foreign nationals who are admitted to enter and work in Japan with the "status of residence" such as "diplomat, official, professor, artist, religious activities, journalist, business manager, medical services, researchers, instructors, skilled labor, etc." as regulated in the Immigration-Control and Refugee-Recognition Act (revised in 1990) usually attend international schools or their own schools and do not attend Japanese public schools. The Revised Act puts no particular limitation on activities (any work which is not necessarily skilled-professionals) and such persons can be "Permanent Resident", "Spouses or children of Japanese Nationals," or "Long Term Residents". Due to the shortage of workers many former Japanese nationals, their spouses and their children have come to Japan, especially from Latin American countries (they are also classified as "foreign workers"). What matters is the enrollment of those children of "Japanese Nationals" who have difficulties in communicating in Japanese and in adapting to Japanese schools. In this paper the author discusses the most crucial issues in promoting the education of children of those "foreign workers" which Japanese schools and educational authorities are facing: (1) the compulsory school attendance of children and parental (foreign) rights and responsibilities, (2) the placement of children into the most appropriate grade (calss), of the school, usually in the middle of the school year, (3) the teaching of Japanese as a Foreign Language and Instructors, (4) enhancment of their cultural and ethnic identity while learning in Japanese schools, and (5) their career guidance and "the special entrance examination system" of senior high schools for the children of foreign workers. There are many problems and issues in education of those children, but some qualitative changes have occurred in national educational policies (Monbusho policies). It is expected in the future that the "substantial" equality of education would be realized and expanded for those children in Japan.

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The education and the educational administration of migrant worker children has been hitherto encouraged in Germany as one of the themes of educational administration. In reality, however, there are problems in this field. One concerns the cultural identity of migrant worker children, and the other relates to the social and legal status of the migrant workers and their children. It is meaningless to consider these issues only on the cultural level as it would ultimately lead to an abstract conclusion without application. As to the cultural identity of the children, there are difficulties when the two cultures differ fundamentally. We study in this paper the present situation of the socialization and integration of migrant worker children in Germany, specifically educational institutions in a foreigners' residential district in a southern German city. When we consider Germany's experiences in the educational administration of migrant workers' children, and compare this with the situation in Japan, we must carefully consider the methods for integration. In educating migrant worker children, educational administrators should possess an understanding of the fundamentals of multicultural education.

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The purpose of this paper is to discuss the education policy for the children of foreign workers in France, paying attention to the differences and/or identity. In France, all children who reach six years old are required to go to school. There is no discrimination between French or foreign children. In the early 1970's, the government set up the class for children of foreign workers for the purpose of teaching French. The government recognized that a disability in French leads to social, and educational problems. This special class, however, discriminated between the French and foreigners. Gradually, the students who were behind in their school work for forced to enter this class. This policy is not explicit as to the distinction between ability in language and ability in learning. In the latter half of the 1970's, a new policy appeared, which respected foreigner's languages and cultures as a part of the curriculum. But, emphasizing the importance of cultural differences brought a new discrimination. For the foreign children, to learn their mother tongue is not actually very useful if they desire entrance into higher education. They, therefore, give up maintaining their own language and culture. It is a bad point that this policy has a disregard for the hierarchy of languages in France. From the 80's, understanding differences between cultures is becoming more important. Rights to difference has become a slogan. But, the number of foreign children who were born and grew up in France has been steadily increasing. They can speak French and have more or less a French culture. So, to regard these foreign children as culturally different beings from the French makes for a new educational and social marginality. Today, in the current trend towards integration under the EC, to make an intellectual interest in other cultures is not sufficient. It is thus important to clear up the relation between French culture and non-European cultures. If the government does not do so, the question of respect for other cultures will continue to reveal inconsistencies.

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The number of overseas Japanese children between the ages of 6 to 15 has been rapidly increasisng in recent years and reached approximately 51,000 as of May 1992. The administrative measures taken by the Japanese Government for Japanese children living abroad are mainly related to two kinds of overseas educational institutions: one is the Japanese school which is open 5 or 6 days a week, and the other is the Japanese Saturday/language school to which children go one day a week in addition to going to a local school. There are three major administrative issues to be considered in these matters. The first issue relates to the educational system. It should be thoroughly examined if it is appropriate to construct a Japanese school and a Japanese Saturday/language school at the same school district, or to provide education at the Japanese school at the level of senior high school. The second is concerned with educational practices. At Japanese schools, more understanding of the local community they are in should be encouraged. In addition, studying is needed on how to teach students in small Japanese schools more effectively. On the other hand, at Japanese Saturday/language schools, it would be required to lessen the excessive burden of study on students. The issue of teaching staffs comes third. It would be necessary to increase the number of teachers sent by the Government to Japanese schools and Japanese Saturday/language schools, and to improve the quality of instructors employed from local districts. The education of returnees from abroad and that of Japanese children staying overseas must be discussed together. The number of students returned to Japan within the past three years is roughly 31,000 as of May 1992. Current administrative issues on returnee education include how to conduct school entrance examinations to evaluate characteristics of returnees, and to improve education which develops their characteristics.

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The number of foreign children in Japan has been increasing nowadays largely as a result of the increase of foreign laborers in Japanese society. This constitutes internationalization in that it involves the diversification of nationalities, cultures, languages, races, etc. There are some problems to be solved, however, in relation to their education. They should first of all be accepted into regular Japanese primary and secondary schools. Generally speaking, however, Japanese people have had negative attitudes or closed minds towards accepting foreigners. First our minds must be opened. This means that Japanese people's consciousness needs to be changed. We must recognize that all people, throughout the world, have a right to education, especially free compulsory education at least at the elementary level. When foreign children are accepted into regular schools, Japanese students and teachers will also inevitably internationalized. Methods and contents of teaching will have to be devised in order for foreign children to understand and learn Japanese language and culture. The teachers might need to be retrained in service, and some foreign teachers might have to be employed. Facilities and equipment in the schools might also need to be improved. These measures will require the assistance of educational administrators. Considerable additional finances will be required. This might collide with the closed minds (or selfishness) of the Japanese, and thus their enlightenment is all the more a necessity. Internationalization is now inevitable in Japan, but it must be examined closely, for it includes various aspects and meanings. There are many who insist on KOKUSAIKA (internationalization) and on KOKUSAISHUGI (internationalism). Some of them seem to be calling for SEKAIKA ("cosmopolitanization") or CHIKYUKA ("globalization") and SEKAISHUGI (cosmopolitanism) or CHIKYUSHUGI (globalism). But they do not distinguish between them clearly; that is, the difference between SEKAIKA (SEKAISHUGI) and KOKUSAIKA (KOKUSAISHUGI). The former, SEKAIKA, means unification of the world. If it means the social unification of people all over the world, it inevitably implies as a result, the political unification of existing nations and the ultimate dissolution of nations (that is the establishment of world power or a global administration). The latter, KOKUSAIKA, entails the continued existence of separate nation states, and can not be taken to imply the dissolution of existing states. KOKUSAI means the relationship or intercourse between nations (or states). Over time it seems that the human world has gradually evolved from small villages and communities to nation states and then to international organization, and it seems that it will evolve into one world (or global) state sometime in the future. In this perspective, KOKUSAIKA may be regarded as a step in the process toward SEKAIKA. When human order proceeds from KOKUSAIKA to SEKAIKA (the social and political unification of the world) in the future, full considertion will have to be given to the individuality of existing nations or states, to ethnic characteristics, freedom and human rights, etc., since any unification of power necessarily involves the sacrifices of the defeated, the weak, minorities, etc.

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the political meaning of the reorganization of the Prussian educational administration and finance system in the 1880s, epoch-making reform in the development of the Prussian elementary educational system. It is generally understood that in the Prussian elementary educational system in the 19th Century, the elementary school (Volksschule) was controlled by the school authorities of district governments (Regierungss-chulbehdrde) as state agencies, while the communities (Gemeninde) and its inhabitants were forced to bear the cost of school maintenance in which the state played only a supplementary part. However, with the development of school policy in the 1880s, the system of educational administration and finance was reorganized by the two school laws of 1887 and 1888, namely, a part of the traditional centralized educational administration was decentralized, there was an abolition of school fee, and the establishment of a system of state subsidy for elementary school was put in place. How should we understand this epoch-making reform and this reorganization of the educational administration and finance system in the 1880s. Until now little interest has been shown in this matter. Even if some studies have mentioned this matter, this "reorganization" has been understood as too relative to social politics. and regarded simply as the realization of the expansion and improvement of the elementary school. In this paper, the process of this "reorganization" is clarified in details by examining the conflicts and arguments about the aim and contents of elementary education or the arrangement of its conditions in the 1870s and 1880s. In conclusion, it is proved that the manorial lords (Gutsherren the Conservative Party) and Prime Minister Bismarck had commnad of the process of this "reorganization", against the intention of Minister of Education Gossler. Their real aim was to limit the contents of elementary education and restrain the improvement of elementary school.

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Although a large number of studies have been made of school personnel administration, little is known about the transfer of school principals. This paper is intended as an investigation of the transfer of high school principals. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that it is performed according to the distinctions among schools in the case of Fukuoka. I will describe the significance of studies in the transfer of school principals and its characteristics in Fukuoka before and after the Second World War, before clarifying the actual situation of the transfer of high school principals in Fukuoka since 1972. Then I will present the subject and method of this study. In analyzing, I use deviation value to divide high schools into some types. The findings of this analysis are as follows; (1) A newly-appointed school principal is usually placed at a school which is lower in rank by deviation value. (2) In general, he/she is transferred to a school which is higher in rank after a few years. This means high school principals are transferred on the assumption that high schools are ranked by deviation value. This is similar to the transfer to the office of education. Considering the conditions mentioned above, it is clear that there is an influence on the period of a school principal's service in one school.

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In the promotion of lifelong learning, the necessity of cooperation between the board of education and the syuchoubukyoku (governor's or mayor's departments), or prefectures and municipalities, has been mentioned. However, how are administrative affairs concerning the promotion of lifelong learning actually being conducted, and what problems are arising? Additionally, chihoukousya (local public beneficial corporations) are coming to play important roles,. but, what problems concerning their activities are arising? The purpose of this paper is to clarify these points through surveys of local public bodies. 1. Relations between the board of education and the syuchoubukyoku. Many local public bodies set up an organization to coordinate and promote the lifelong learning policies of both the board of education and the syuchoubukyoku. In the case where its secretariat is placed in the board of education, the board easily exerts its expertise, but coordination becomes difficult. On the other hand, in the case where the secretariat is placed in the syuchoubukyoku, an issue arises: how the expertise of the board of education should be used to coordinate and execute policies. A fundamental problem between two principles of local government, pluralism of executive agencies and integration of their administration, thus arises in conducting administrative affairs concerning the promotion of lifelong learning. 2. Relations between the prefecture and municipalities. In the case where the secretariat is placed in the board of education at the prefectural level, intimate cooperation between prefectural and municipal boards can be easily instituted, but the leadership of the former contains the possibility of undermining the subjectivity of the latter. On the contrary, in the case where the secretariat is placed in the syuchoubukyoku at the prefectural level, municipal boards of education have to contact both the prefectural board of education and the governer's departments. As a result, the system of cooperation becomes complicated. This is connected with the basic problem extant between prefectural leadership and municipal subjectivity, and is because of this fabric problem that at the muinicipal level boards of education are playing the central role in the promotion of lifelong learning while at the prefectural level the secretariat of the organization for lifelong learning is sometimes being placed in the syuchoubukyoku. 3. Activities of chihoukousya. While chihoukousya can be expected to have flexible management, a new issue is brought about: how the principles required of public administration, such as democratic participation, equality or neutrality, should be preserved in their activities. Though chihoukousya conduct a part of the administrative affairs of the local public body. they themselves are not executive organs. In the promotion of lifelong learning, to what extent should local public bodies be responsible, and in what way should they conduct administrative affairs? The problem of conducting administrative affairs concerning lifelong learning leads us to question how public administration should be conducted.

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The purpose of this paper is to find specific features in the policy-making process of the establishment of Inagakuen Comprehensive Upper Secondary School in Saitama Prefecture. There has been some researches on relations between central and local governments of education in Japan. By analyzing educational acts and regulations, it has been concluded that the central government dominates local governments in many educational areas. However, analyzing educational acts and regulations can not explain all policy-making processes in the educational world. We may assume that local governments themselves have some autonomy in educational policy-making. In some cases, local political actors also have influence on the policy-making process. These actors include the headmasters association, the teachers union, the prefectural governor, members of the assembly and so on. In order to prove these assumptions, we conducted research on the educational policy-making process in one local government. We targeted the policy-making process of the establishment of Inagakuen Comprehensive Upper Secondary School in Saitama Prefecture for two reasons. One is that local government, that is Saitama Prefecture, can decide on the establishment of upper secondary schools on their own. The other is that Saitama Prefecture is a pioneer in making new types of upper secondary school. In this paper, we analyze the discussion in three areas among the political actors. The three areas are: (1) Size of the school (2) Course of study (3) Selecting applicants We obtained the findings as follows. The political actors influence one another in the process of policy-making. The bureau of board of education endeavors to get agreements or connivance of the actors to make the policy successful, and the actors try to get agreement of the bureau. In other words, the policy-making is influenced by the relations between the political actors, including the bureau of the board of education.

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The purpose of this paper is to ascertain the ideal system of the right to information in educational circumstances. For this purpose I researched the cases of educational information applied to the rules of "The Kanagawa Ordinance on Disclosure of Official Documents" and "The Kanagawa Ordinance on Protecting Personal Data." This paper consists of the following three parts: (1) Cases of educational information applied to the rules of "The Kanagawa Ordinance on Disclosure of Official Documents." Initial research concerned the characteristics of the disclosure of educational information, followed by an investigation into the problems of actual cases. The relation between "the right to know" and "the Disclosure of Official Documents" were also investigated. (2) Cases of the right of self-control of educational records applied to the rules of "The Kanagawa Ordinance on Protecting Personal Data." Here, the characteristics of the actual cases, then investigation of the problems of specific closed cases. The guarantee of the right to self-control of educational records from a theoretical point of view is also discussed. (3) Two problems of the right to information. The first concerns the system of relief when a demand for disclosure of information is denied. This problem underlies the system for both disclosure of information and the protection of personal data. The other concerns the range of the demand for correction when protecting personal deta. Here, I examined the issue mainly from the side of law. Through these studies the necessity of the progress of the right to information throughout our country is recognized.

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In this paper I discuss the theory projected by John E. Chubb and Terry Moe. Their book, Politics, Markets, and America's School has caused a popular debate. In this book they found that school organization is the most significant variable affecting student achievement. Chubb and Moe's central argument is that an effective school is characterized by an academic focus, a strong leader, shared decision-making, a high level of professionalism and cooperation among teachers, and respect for discipline among students. Following these findings, Chubb and Moe concluded that the best way to improve education in the United States is to establish school autonomy in every school. This requires every school to be free on bureaucratic control. Since the bureaucracy has been developed under the direct democratic control of education, both democratic control and the bureaucracy should be denied. In place of them there should be introduced one kind of market control of education. This is their theoretical argument supporting school of choice. Their argument is persuasive. One reason is that public education in the United States has been criticized but has not produced good results. The other reason is that it seemed to assure parents' rights to the education of their children. But there remain some serious problems. One is that the authors intentionally denied the aim and content of public common education. This is a very difficult but unescapable problem in a democratic society. The other point is that they put common interests in the education of people as exterior to education, thus losing a vital force in education. We should search for the way to strengthen the voice of parents and the community in education. Under these conditions the parents' choice of school programs is to be realized. In this context, too, a "controlled choice" plan should be investigated.

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Many articles about School-Based Management (SBM) have pointed out that SBM is related to the decentralization of the 1960-70's, the education reform movement of the 80's, and effective schools research. But only a few studies have so far been made in to the state-local relationship within SBM programs. Recently we can see several states directly requiring school level accountability and competitiveness. The purpose of this paper is to show how states' education policies for accountability and the reduction in states support grants influence SBM programs in some school district. It is another aim of this paper to examine distribution of authority, i. e., whether a principal should have the authority to make final decisions or not, and whether students and parents should share in such an authority. What is important is that schools must be autonomous and cooperative with society in order to be improved. In this paper, two state-level programs (Kentucky and California), and three local-level programs (Boston, San Diego, and Boyle) are concerned. There are two types of the case of local school districts as accepting the state SBM policy. On the one hand, as in Florida and California, states may give incentives to districts through SBM grnats. On the other hand, states mandate the implementation of SBM by legislation, such as in Hawaii and Kentucky. In the former case, we find there is a problem whereby local school districts cannot necessarily use affluent resources from the state. In the latter case, states must be careful to have respect for local control and school autonomy. To what extent do SBM councils which include parents and students, needed to be delegated power? SBM councils have a limited authority to decide on a school budget. To make schools accountable, there are some important factors: state support and local initiative, principal leadership, students and parents involvement "school-site budgeting", and so on.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the tendency towards reorganizing the function of "Supervision" in Local School Systems in the U.S.A. In the U.S.A. in recent years the organizational structure of local school systems has undergone certain important changes. The word "School Restructuring", which we can often see in many of today's arguments for educational reform, aims at reorganizing the relationship between the local educational administration agency and individual schools, founded on "School-Based Management" In other words, the present educational reform tends to structure for autonomous school administrative systems. "Supervision" is one of the essential functions of educational administration at the local level. It is, therefore, now one of the most important agendas for local school systems to reorganize the function of "Supervision". The concept of "Supervision" meant administrative inspection before the 18th century and has greatly changed ever since especially in the following respects: 1) by whom should work be done, 2) what should be done, and 3) how work should be done. 1) The first aspect is explained in terms of professionalization and specialization. Laymen had responsibility for thus in the early 1800s, and state and local superintendents gained it as professional supervisors in the early 1900s. "Supervision" was then taken up by such personnel as principals, special and general supervisors, and consultants. 2) We can explain the second aspect as one of conversion and expansion. The purpose of "Supervision" was converted from dismissal of "unsound" teachers to improvement of instruction in the late 1800s. Such strategies as classroom visitation, classroom observations, and demonstrations, were used by supervisors. These included many kinds of activities leading to the improvement of instruction-urriculum development and in-service training, for example. 3) For the last we can see a change from an "administrative" function to an "advisory" one. Following the above conversion, the "human factor" was considered in the relationship between teachers and supervisors. They were in search of the democratization of supervisory functions. "Supervision" has been seen as an advisory and cooperative service since the 1930s. The role expectations of supervisors include classroom-site advisory services for instructional improvement. The reality of their functions, however, now assume both an "administrative" and an "advisory" character. It is said that lots of teachers have distrust of their supervisors. There is thus the emergence of "Clinical Supervision", especially "Peer Supervision", as a strategy of instructional improvement in recent years. This enables teachers to assume a major responsibility for instructional improvement. Many authors argue that central office supervisors cannot provide direct assistance to teachers. Teachers naturally turn to each other for help more often than to a central office supervisor. The function of "advice and assistance" is thus separated from a central office and entrusted to an individual school. The central office supervisors are expected to be "Integrators" within their school district. We can also find the tendency to reorganize the function of "Supervision" between central office and individual school.

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Educational administration as a field of study in the U.S.A. was reorganized as an empirical social science by the so-called theory movement after World War II. Since then, many conceptual frameworks that this theory movement created provided scholars with theoretical and methodological base for studying educational administration. However, after 1975 circa, many kinds of critiques against the theory movement and its paradigm appeared and educational administration as a discipline is now in the period of academic restructuring. New trends are being formed. It should be said that the study of educational administration is now in the stage of a post-'theory movement'. New trends include newly developed frameworks, such as contingency theory, organized anarchy-garbage can model, institutional 'myth and symbol' approach and educational policy analysis. Qualitative and fieldwork methods are adopted by many researchers. There are seen new academic interests into, the consequences of educational administration on educational practice, value problems, and epistemological issues. In this paper, author tries to make sense of these intellectual trends in the theory and research on educational administration in the U.S.A. Especially, the focus is on their backgrounds and origins, that is, what has been promoted, and who initiated the restructuring of the field and how? As for their backgrounds, it was pointed out that critical consciousness and revisionist thinking were caused among scholars by their recognition of a theory-practice gap in the study of educational administration, which was promoted by challenging developments and turbulent environments surrounding public schools after 1970, such as increasing numbers of underachievers, school vandalism, increasing educational costs, taxpayers' revolt, call for equity school finance policy, public demand for access to school policy making, and demand for school accountability. And under the influence of new study in history of science and philosophy of science that criticized positivism, radical social sciences appeared which began to attack theory and research based on a positivistic concept of science. This trend led to severe critiques against, and critical reassessment of the theory movement paradigm that is basically founded on positivism. Who initiated the restructuring of the field? Was it the Canadian scholar T. Greenfield? Surely, we must not underestimate the importance of his challenge, but, it was self-critical reassessment of its paradigm by leaders of the theory movement themselves that played a leading role in the making of new trends. First of all, critical reassessment had begun before Greenfield's challenge to the theory movement paradigm, though it was sporadic. Secondly, at almost the same time, seminars were held, by scholars who led theory movement, that took a serious look into problems inherent in the theory movement paradigm.

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