While Japan's rank order by per capita GNP was low ($306) in 1960, she belonged to one of the highest level countries in term of the composite index of human resources. In the developing process of economics, Japanese education also developed greatly, but in effect investment in education from the public sector has stayed low. Following a description of this situation, I depict the following themes: ・Economic develpoment and cultivation of human power after World War II ・Proposal of the National Council of Education in 1971 and restructuring of the educational system ・Encouragement of the establishment of new types of universities ・Temporary Council of Education under the Prime Minister's Office and the Higher Education Council in Monbusho as the driving forces of the current reform of higher education

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This paper aims to clarify the present situation and problems of university reform and to predict the transfiguration of universities in Japan. The Standards for the Establishment of Universities in Japan was broadened and simplified in July 1991. At the same time, a system of self-monitoring and self-evaluation was introduced. In response to the revision, each university is currently carrying out its own curriculum improvement and preparation of a self-evaluation system. In this paper the author discusses the most characteristic aspects of this university reform. These are as follows: 1. Improvement of the content and methods of education 2. Flexibility of the credit system 3. Reorganization of colleges of general education 4. Introduction of self-monitoring and self-evaluation 5. Priority policy regarding graduate schools Considering the actual situations of these reforms in Japanese universities, the author points out the diversification of universities as a future direction and the essential need to change faculty recognition as well as to promote so-called FD (Faculty Development) activities in conducting university reform successfully.

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The college age population past its peak recently and is now decreasing in number. Japanese colleges and universities are now confronted with their first difficulty after the war concerning student recruitment. How are they struggling against this challenge? Will they survive the Nineties and this notable decrease? The purpose of this paper is to answer these questions with regard to the future of Japanese colleges and universities. Both public and private agencies have published forecasts based on various survey research. Therefore, this paper focuses on the study of the context of today's population trend in Japan. It consist of three parts as follows: The first part examines Mombusho's policy and statistical inferences concerning Japanese Higher Education. In the second part, two experiences in higher education concerning this college age population decrease in numbers were reviewed. One was the Japanese experience in the sixties after the baby boom. The other was the U.S. experience in the eighties. The features of each experience have been identified. At last, as an extension of the above studies, the third part discusses the direction of Japanese higher education in the nineties. Population trends inevitably affect the admission policy of colleges and universities. They will either have to decrease the student intake or they will have to make efforts to establish new departments/schools to take the students if they wish to maintain the present level of their student capacity and quality. The contraction of the student intake directly affects the income of private colleges and universities and generally meets with objections from faculty members who feel their jobs are threatened. Since Monbusho has officially notified universities of the contraction of the student intake of colleges and universities, Japanese colleges and universities have inevitably undergone reforms and renovation in this context.

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At present, Japanese private universities face the need to reform themselves because of the two main factors : decrease of 18 age population and deregulation concerning educational administration by the Ministry of Education. This essay attempts to indicate some difficult problems of administration and finance in relation to the reform at present and in the foreseeable future. One of the most difficult problems is how to stabilize the structural basis for a source of revenue. Naturally this problem is connected with earmarking funds for the reform. Another question is whether the system of the government subsidies to private universities will continue in the future if deregulation advances further. This question is quite important to private universities.

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Higher Education institutions in a modern society have various functions and activities such as teaching of undergraduate and graduate students, research work, vocational training, services assigned by the central government, etc. This paper aims to clarify who and on what grounds the expense for higher education institutions should be borne. It will be argued that it is those who are supposed to benefit from Higher Education institutions who must bear the expense. The alleged beneficiaries are: (1) students, (2) employers, (3) the central government and (4) local government, etc. This paper explains why each of (1)-(4) should bear the expense and also points out some financial problems in Japanese higher education institutions. Consequently, Japanese higher education institutions can tap several new financial resources of their own, by the deregulation of rules that currently put severe restrictions on the activities of institutions. It is insisted that financial autonomy be attained by having various financial resources.

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I. Some Problems to be Discussed in This Symposium We have so far discussed the Deregulation in Educational Administration (abbr . to DEA). DEA should not be limited to a political phenomenon nor to a matter of policy. It has given rise to an important problem for study. By enforcing DEA there is a need for discussion as to the process of development of the theories or ideals of Public Function and the Autonomy of Schools. The main purpose of this symposium is to discuss the essential part of study on DEA. II. Topics Taken up for Discussion In this symposium we have had several discussions about important topics. Some of them are as follows: (1) What is the value of DEA? Various questions as to DEA were mooted and discussed, which reveals the fact that DEA begot new regulations, which is a topic for further analysis and discussion. (2) How much light should be thrown upon the Deregulation in educational information? This question is a concrete phenomenon of DEA and is also a topic for further analysis and discussion. (3) What is the intrinsic nature of DEA? The Deregulation has hardly been an established fact, but is a topic to be analysed demonstratively. (4) What is the new theory of the Public Function of education/schools? Finally a vigorous discussion was made about the Public Function and the Autonomy of education/schools. The necessity was recognized of entirely new framework for further study. III. Remarks Generally speaking, this symposium proved to be short of our satisfaction. The main reason is that the basic framewok for the study of DEA is not firm enough nor common enough. The future task of this symposium, therefore, is to form the framework for study of this problem.

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This paper attempts to clarify the problems concerning the establishment and development of "Monbusyo". The first Japanese Ministry of Education (called "Monbusyo") was established in 1871. It aimed at the formation of a nation which must support the modern state because in modern states as a rule, especially in the early Meiji era, "state building" and "nation forming" were both seen as important state affairs. In domestic administration Monbusyo played an important part in forming the modern nation and in advancement in knowledge. On the one hand it unified and centralized school administration systems of over 300 fuedal districts (Han). At this point it was at the head of anti-fuedal and progressive authorities in the governmental structure. Namely it was the enlightening authority. But on the other hand it was an inseparable part of the bureaucratic governmental machinery ("Dajokan" System). At this point it was an authoritative indoctrination oganization that disciplined or trained a people to obey the modern governmental order. Yet, such an administrative agency must itself also be an advocate of progress. Accordingly it has been made up of two constituents or spirits. Therefore, because of these characteristics, it has carried an essential dilemma in its body politic. Monbusyo tried to solve this dilemma so that its governmental position could be stabilized.

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This study aims to clarify the relationships between policy, its enactment process and the substantiation of parental rights in schools in England and Wales from the view points of parental choice and parental participation in the system of school management. The subjects to be clarified are as follows: (1) The position of parental rights in acts and reformations of educational systems from historical perspectives (2) The position of parental rights in educational policies from the view point of the difference between Labour and Tory policies. (3) To clarify the actual conditions and problems of parental rights by analyzing legal cases (including those which were presented to the local ombudspersons) and the principles of activity of some associations supporting parental rights. (1) and (2) are dealt with in Part 1, and (3) in Part 2. The findings in Part 1 are based mainly on data and resources such as the commission reports, reports of parliamentary debate (Hansard), parliamentary command papers and documents for discussion of successive cabinets (and shadow cabinets) and the HMI after World War II. The data in Chapter 5 of Part 1, which deals with party policies and the transfer system from the primary to the secondary stage is based on replies by the LEAs to questionnaires sent out by the author. The resources used in Chapter 1 of Part 2 are based on surveys carried out by research groups after the enactment of the 1980 Education Act. In Chapter 2 and 3 the official reports of legal cases and related summary reports on cases for ombudspersons which have been reported in the "Education" journal are discussed. The data on principles of activity of some associations supporting parental rights is based on the titles of magazines in these associations. The conclusions are as follows: Firstly, whereas the policies on parental rights of Labour and Tory parties have seemed similar on the surface, the effects anticipated by the enactment of parental rights are different between two parties. There are two different original disciplines in the ideas of the voucher system. They have affected the differences of anticipations in parental rights. Secondly, whereas the associations supporting parental rights have placed their emphasis on the choice of schools (including claims to open the secret school files) and parental participation for school management on the same line, their claims have a great relationship with comprehensive reorganization. Their principles have no origins in Labour Party policy in itself. Thirdly, legal cases have showed some shift of balance from LEAs to parents in terms of the initiatives of children's education such as choice of schools, opening school files and so on. But because of that condition being derived from enactments by Tory Cabinets in the 1980s, we must make a prudent evaluation of the real meaning of enactments concerning parental rights. The value of parental rights in the system of educational administration rests upon possible solutions to the question of whether parents can promote their own deeper understandings or not.

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Generally the principle of "Partnership" in English educational administration is described as a harmonious and cooperative set of relationships among the central, the Local Education Authorities and the schools. However, this is neither an abstract relationship nor is it a sort of democratic model. Two of these partners, the Board of Education and LEAs replaced, respectively, the Privy Council's Committee on Education and School Boards in order to introduce educational reforms. Moreover, the relationships among the partners were defined by the Education Acts of 1899, 1902 and 1904. During the first half of the 19th Century, elementary education was mainly provided by religious bodies. In 1833, the central government started subsiding elementary schools through two main religious bodies. However there was no power of the central government to lead in educational policies. The Revised Code of 1862 gave power to the central government to promote a sort of secular and national minimum elementary education. But the educational administration system was not changed. The Elementary Education Act of 1870 established School Boards and gave them the power of levy on the rate for providing elementary education in order to 'fill the gap.' School Boards were elected by the ratepayers and insisted on secular education and public control because they were based on a rate as a third fund. The supporters of School Boards were mainly the lower middle classes and the upper labour classes, Nonconformists, Socialists, and so on. School Boards started providing elementary education by pushing up the rate of compulsory schooling and also providing quasi-secondary education. This trend was obvious in Northern industrial areas. To connect elementary education to secondary education was one of the desires of people who were not able to pay for the tuition fee and omitted from secondary schools. But by the judgement of the Cockerton Case in 1900, it became illegal (ultra vires) for School Boards to provide an education other than elementary. Thus, this problem became political. The Education Acts of 1902 and 1904 were the result. Under the 1902 Act, School Boards were abolished and a new local education authority (LEA) system was introduced. LEAs were meant to help any elementary school in its area and may provide education other than elementary. However, there is no provision of connection for both kinds of education in the Act. The 1902 Act was not invented by Sidney Webb, but by Morant who wanted to make a division between elementary and secondary education. Furthermore, Morant wanted to build a public education controlled by professionals and bureaucrats who were organized in to schools and local and central authorities. The LEA is not an ad hoc authority but a local government (council) itself. Councilors were elected as members of a multi-purpose local government body and they were 'laymen' for education. Morant believed that the councilors intended to ask for help from the professions who knew what elementary education was and who did not want to break a barrier between elementary and secondary education. The final goal for Morant was the Education Act of 1904 that allowed the central government to spend local government momey on schools which were rejected for LEA support. The Education Act of 1904 swept away the aspects of 'popular control' of the Education Act of 1902. The principle of "Partnership" is a sort of ideology which hides the real relationships among the partners.

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This paper, mainly based on a questionnaire to various educational groups, clarifies the participation of such educational groups in the process of educational policy-making in local government, especially in terms of the establishment of a no-grade credit system high school. This paper consists of the following two sections: (1) the degree and form of activities of educational groups, (2) their role and influence on educational policy-making. In addition, the following two functions of educational groups are analysed: (1) transmitting function, (2) function of democratization. This paper deals with the following prefectural educational groups, associations of secondary school principals, associations of high school principals, associations of secondary school assistant principals, associations of high school assistant principals, secondary school PTAs, high school PTAs and unions of high school teachers. The most active groups are the unions of high school teachers and the associations of high school principals. But the form of activities is different between these groups. The activities of the latter is doubtful of voluntarity. And associations of high school principals have a high self-evaluation about their influence, but the influence is actually limited to backing up policy. This means that associations of high school principals have a transmitting function which notifies others of the views and information from government offices, but it is doubtful that these associations have a substantial transmitting function from members of the group to government offices or that these associations have substantial function of democratization. The activities of unions of high school teachers have autonomy. These unions also have a high self-evaluation about their influence on some policies. It means that these unions have a transmitting function from members of the group to government offices on some policies more substantially than associations of high school principals. But the policies on which these unions have high influence are, for example personnel matters, and other policies which affect teachers' interests directly. It means that as to the function of democratization these unions represent foremost not the views of children, parents or the public but teachers' views.

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This article intends to briefly introduce the contents and characteristics of the Local Educational Autonomy Act of Korea which was promulgated on March 8, 1991, pointing out some contemporary problems concerning Korea educational autonomy, and examining them from the standpoints of democracy and efficiency. The first section introduces the dual structure of local autonomy in educational administration and general administration. It also explains that only such great-sphere administrative units as provinces and specially-designated cities are authorized to have autonomy in local educational administration under the board of education with the power to decide and the superintendent of education as executive organ elected independent of the board while cities (shi), counties (kun) and wards (ku), as well as provinces and specially-designated cities are recognized as units of ordinary local public entities. It further looks into the nature of the local educational administration within the framework of general local autonomy. The second section deals with the functional contents and characteristics of the Local Educational Autonomy for further clarification. The third section focuses on six points abstracted from various problems arising out of the enforcement of the Local Educational Act from the standpoints of democracy and efficiency. The concluding chapter stresses that local autonomy in educational administration in Korea has undergone various experiences, maintaining its peculiar autonomous organs for 30 years, and proposes that the system of local educational autonomy be re-examined from the viewpoint of enhancing educational effects in schools and classrooms, not only from that of the administering authorities.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider how School Choice, a type of American educational reform, is defined according to freedom/liberty and equality. The compatibility of freedom/liberty and equality is an eternal theme ; one which is also important for Japanese education as it tries to diversify. To date, a number of studies have been made focusing on only one of the types of School Choice, from the point of view either of freedom/liberty or equality. Now it is possible to understand this comprehensively by focusing on the market. In this paper the concept of 'marketability' has been adopted as the main means of analysis to avoid an idealization of the market. The number of School Choice types tends to depend on the researcher. After extensive research covering the education departments of all 50 states, five types have been identified: Interdistrict School Choice, Charter School, Controlled Choice, Magnet School and Voucher. All five types are marketed to some extent. But the market is not perfect; the degree to which they are free is different for each type. The degree is 'marketability,' which can be defined by two factors: territory and function. The territory, which has two main axes, namely intra/inter school district and public/private school, has been expanding from intraschool district to interschool district and from public school to public and private schools. This indicates that School Choice, which broke down some long-perpetuated inequalities, is expected to rectify all inequalities. The expanding territory shows that School Choice tries to attain equality as a whole. The second factor is the function of the market. The idea of function is different only between the public sector School Choice and School Choice in both the public and private sectors, although both target 'the educationally disadvantaged,' Nathan has done extensive research on the function of the market in public schools only, whereas the research of Chubb and Moe has included private schools. Chubb and Moe's idea is that the function of the market is against bureaucracy. In contrast, Nathan's idea can be summed up in three key words, namely opportunity, motivation and competition. The Cambridge Controlled Choice Program, which originated the idea of expanding territory, was analyzed by applying both of the above-mentioned factors. It has strong political control and difficulty in affecting the market. Although it contributes expansion of opportunity, motivation and competition are absent from this plan. Viewed in this light, we can conclude that School Choice's target is equality and its means is freedom/liberty, which is the market. 'Marketability' manifests the relationship between both these points. My next theme will be other types of School Choice in different territories, elaborating on the measurability of 'marketability,' which will be used to evaluate some case studies.

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The aim of this paper is to clarify some features of the educational policy-making process of Singapore in the 1980s. Sigapore educational policy has appeared oriented towards materialistic and efficiency criteria, with little leeway for education for non-economic ends. This may reflect Singapore's small population and scarce human resources. By the late 1970s, however, certain weaknesses in the system and the administration had begun to manifest themselves. Amongst the weaknesses identified by the Ministry of Education's Study Team, two problems were particularly highlighted. One was the high attrition rates (education wastage) produced by ineffective bilingual education, the other was the inefficient organization of the Ministry of Education and its procedures. For resolving the former problem, the new education system of ability-based streaming was introduced. And it was to deal with the latter problem that the Schools Council and the Curriculum Development Institute of Singapore (CDIS) were established. On the whole, the setting up of these organizations marked an important first step in the trend towards decentralized educational management in Singapore. In 1985, the Singapore economy was hard-hit. The Economic Committee was established in that year to bring Singapore out of its recession. The report of the committee declared that in the 1980s the engine of economic development should be the private sector, not the government, and emphasized the need to develop creative and flexible skills at every level of the economy. For such a concept to be strengthened, education was the candidate chosen for privatization. In the case of privatizing education via independent schools, the objective has been oriented towards increasing autonomy and flexibility in order that the quality of education may be improved and tailored to rising expectations. Independent schools have a wide latitude in running their management and deciding matters for themselves such as appointment, promotion and dismissal of their staff, admission of pupils and major financial decisions. But increasing their educational fees to keep the quality of education and invest in facilities has been unavoidable. Thus Autonomous schools were introduced in 1994 in order to try and achieve higher education at an affordable cost. To keep costs down, their class size is the same as that of other public schools. They are given greater autonomy to select staff and more funds to introduce innovative programmes. In conclusion, the Singapore government in the 1980s pursued the limiting of the growth of an educational bureaucracy, in order to avoid top-down directives, to give more autonomy to schools and more choice to principals, and to graft a market mechanism to the schools' management mechanisms. Though the government has believed that they have to counter the tendency towards mediocrity inherent in a mass democratic system, they have not had an easy time convincing the public that efficiency is more important than equity for their survival.

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The purpose of this paper is to discuss educational protection for backward classes in Pre-Independent India, focusing on the relation of the British 'Divide and Rule' policy. In Post-Independent India, many protective educational policies are in force on a large scale, the prototypes of which were formulated in Pre-Independent India under the rule of the United Kingdom. In spite of these educational protections since Pre-Independence, the gap in the percentage of school attendance between the general population and scheduled castes has not been closed. The Constitution of the Indian Republic explains that the gap should be filled by special attention to weaker sections of the nation. In this paper, I attempt two examinations of the following hypotheses: (1) Though The Wood's Despatch in 1854 is treated as a big turning point from Filtration Theory to Mass Educational Policy, the era when British rulers took the educational opportunites of Scheduled Caste into consideration is the latter Nineteenth Century. (2) The reason why British rulers took educational protections for Scheduled Castes concerns British 'Divide and Rule' Policy, which started in the latter part of the nineteenth century. These two hypotheses were examined through case studies of educational activity of Jotirao Phule, the Dharwar case, Separate Schools for Lower Castes, and British 'Divide and Rule' Policy. Before Wood's Despatch (1854), the East India Company gave some special assistance to Special Schools established by Jotirao Phule. It is enough to change our understanding of Wood's Despatch as a big turning point from Filtration Theory to Mass Educational Policy. The Dharwar case is a symbolic case where the British ruler denied an application of an untouchable boy after Wood's Despatch. After this case, the Government said that the educational institutions of Government are intended to be open to all classes, but practical enforcement has had great difficulty. By this verdict, Government schools continued the negative attitude towards admission of untouchable boys, so a few Separate Schools were established. The British 'Divide and Rule' policy effected Educational Protection for untouchables from the latter Nineteenth Century. These two policies corresponded in time and purpose. Through this historical research, the two above-mentioned hypotheses are proved. From this study, I found that the study of meanings of educational problems in Pre-Independent India needs a careful and elaborate analysis of the character of the system. My next chief theme is to make clear the functions of Protective Educational Systems in Post-Independent India.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development of an international curriculum and its extention to national education systems. Here we will focus mainly on the International Baccalaureate (IB). As the mobility across national borders for business grows year after year, families are obliged to stay for only a limited time in one country or another. For this reason, the problem of how to meet the conditions of schooling for the children of these families has become a pressing one. This phenomenon has brought about the rapid development and numerical increase of international schools. But international schools as 'a kind of educational department offer several different juxtaposed national streams which are less integrated and original. Such a situation is not only inconvenient for students who are trying to prepare for an examination, but also unhelpful in fostering international understanding through a common curriculum. For this reason, people feel the need for a common or standardised curriculum in the primary and secondary stages of education, along with a comprehensive examination programme. The International Schools Association (ISA) and other such International Organisations are trying to establish a common or standardised curriculum. The project of the IB in the 1960's was to develop for the first time a standardised curriculum and examination system to facilitate students admission to universities of various countries. The characteristics of the IB curriculum are as follows: (1) In order to meet the needs of every student and the requirement of each country, the IB curriculum consists of 'Six Subject Groups' (hexagon) in which each student can choose six subjects and 'Three Requirements' (Extended Essay, Theory of Knowledge, CAS). These 'Three Requirements' express the originality of an international curriculum in addition to fulfilling the compulsory subjects. (2) In the assesment of examinations and the development of a new curriculum, feedback from participating schools plays an important role in fostering the reciprocity or pertnership between international schools and the IB Organisation. (3) In proportion to the extention of the IB programme, due to its excellence and originality, it is being used by national systems of education in many countries as a supplement to their own systems. But its diffusion has not been uniform. It is rather easy to accept the IB diploma in nations where there is no existing national system of examination such as in the UK, USA or Canada. On the other hand, where there exists a rigid national-diploma system for education, such as in France or Germany, it is very difficult for the IB diploma to find acceptance. In spite of its philosophy and organisation, the IB is heavily biased towards the Anglo-Saxon systems of education. Therefore, the IB is confronted with a dilemma: how to balance the preference for particular nationalities with an truly "international" curriculum.

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