1 Reconsideration of the theory of "the Educational Structure under the Fundamental Law of Education" At first, I will consider Eiichi Mochida's paper (treatise) "The Educatinal Structure under the Fundamental Law of Educatin as Modern Public Education" (1979). According to Mochida, Post World War II educational reform in Japan was quite thorough in terms of Modernization." The Educational Structure under the Fundamental Law of Education formed as a result has had characteristics of "the Structure of modern public education," and it has also been called the educational structure of the welfare state. But this reform and its structure cannot be held as only "Democratization. "He also argued that the meanings and the limits of the "Modernizaiton of education" and "the Educational Structure under the Fundamental Law of Education" should be cleared. Although the Fundamental Law of Education has not changed, the structure of public education is basically changing. Can we call it "the Educational Structure under the Fundamental Law of Education" even now? 2 A perspective for the analysis of public education I will also take up Mochida's paper "A perspective for the Analysis of 'Public Education' in the Theory of Educational Administration" (1975). According to him, educational administration is management of "Public Education," that is management of educational projects under the state. So, making the relation between "Education and State" clear, especially the existing form of "Modern Public Education" is a basic subject for research in educational administration. He points out four issues to be discussed and examined. (1)What is "Education"? What is the "State"? (2)How do we grasp the essence of modern public education? (3)The "present" phases of public education. (4)Specific features of "Japanese" public education. How can we get hold of the utility and limits of his theory? The "present" age that he describs in fact the "latter-period of the Modern Age." It cannot be applied to our "contemporary age." 3 "The Contemporary Age" as history The wording of "present" does not show the historical age, but shows an expedient term meaning "today." Objectively wording it, the "Premitive" age is "the first age" of human history, "Ancient" is "the second age," "Middle" is "the third age", "Modern" is "the fourth age." Moreover, we also have 3 periods in the "Modern-age," that is the "former-period," the "middle-period" and the "latter-period." After thel980s, different indications appear concerning "the latter-period of Modern-age." The "contemporary age" is in fact a "transition period" to the fifth age of human history. 4 "Neo-middle-period of the Modern-age" (also called "Post-modern") Political powers that intended to return to "the middle-period of the modern-age" came on stage in the 1980s. Their typical models were Thatcher's in the UK, Reagan's in the USA and Nakasone's in Japan. They depended upon neo-liberalism or neo-conservatism as ideology. Their characteristics are similar to those of "the middle-period of the Modern-age." The present- period called "post-modern" can thus be regarded as "the neo-middle-period of Modern-age," that is the fourth period of the Modern-age. But at the same time, it should also be regarded as a transition-period to "the fifth age" of human history. 5 A view of structure of public education to "the fifth Age" of human history Early indications of "the fifth age" are

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After achieving a prominent position in globalization in the 1970's, Japanese society has received pressure to move towards a common domestic base with that of other leading countries. We therefore, face radical reforms in the economic, financial and social systems, including education. Though attepmts have been made to reform the educational system and educational thought since 1971, serious doubts remain as to whether educational problems could in fact be solved or not. Serious problems remain in Japanese school education. We should understand the meaning of 'Nation' or 'People' not only in terms of economic matters but also in terms of educational matters given this situation. This means that the key question is whether the present Japanese society can give more autonomy and freedom to education or not. Educators, parents and children need to consider to what extent public education should be free from outside standards, including those standards made by the central government It will thus be necessary for us to set up new autonomous standards in our society, community and schools. In this paper, the relation between the changes of the national society and the framework of public education in post war Japan have been discussed. In particular, I have mentioned what should be a new frame of public education under our rich and mature society as follows: 1. Introduction 2. 'The Structure of 1955' and 'The Structure of Local Educational Ad- ministration Act' 3. The High Economic Growth and the educational expansion. 4. The reorganization of the economic system and 'Educational reform.' 5. The advanced and mature society and the change of tasks of social formation. 6. The creation of a new national society and the reorganization of public educational system.

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Educational policies in Japan have changed in recent years. Educational administrative and fiscal policies that have been formed in an era of rapid economic growth now show a tendency to change. First, we can point out the fact that central governments subsidies for compulsory education have decreased in the 1990s. On the one hand, this is because of the restriction of national budgets. On the other hand, we can consider that this means a process of change from centralized educational fiscal policies to decentralized policies. Second, we must take notice of the fact that devolution policies are very important for the central government, too. The Devolution Promotion Committee proposed last year a policy of abolishing work delegated to the local governments by the central government. And The Deregulation Committee maintained the promotion of the introduction of school choice. In this situation the Department of Education has started to reform the system of local boards of education. Now we face again a reformation of educational administration, from a centralized to a decentralized system.

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1. Today, arguments continue regarding the reciprocal influences between the Japanese educational system and Japanese society. This article looks at this relationship in terms of the long-term changes that can be seen in household expenditures for education. 2. The educational finance systm of Japan was established according to administrative and financial reformation which occurred in the 1940's. After the Second World War, the rate of entrance into high schools and universities increased under this financial structure. Through the revision of the Gakko Kyoikuho and the Shigaku Shinko Joseiho of 1975, this financial structure was revised. This revision created subsidies to private universities as well as Sensyu Gakko as part of the system of post secondary education. These laws gave a new systematic structure to the financial balance of household and public expenditures for education. 3. These revisions had a large influence upon Japanese families, which had already undergone the process nuclearization. Because students began to stay in school to a more advanced age, the amount of each family's educational expenditures, including foregone earnings, increased. As the term of their child's education lengthened, the long-term perspectives of the family lengthened along with it Nuclear families were thus forced to forsake many of their short-term desires as they felt the continuing pressure to maintain these long-term plans. 4. Today, household educational expenditures are taking on new cultural and political meanings. One of these is that such long-term expenditures are coupled with the vigorous competition that accompanies the cause of much anxiety and melancholy within the family. Also, the expenditures necessary for the procurement of higher education raises issues concerning the equity of local educational administration. Alongside research into the efficiency and equity of educational finance, people in positions related to educational finance are hereafter likely to begin ethnological research as well.

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The principle of defrayment of school expenses by the establishers of schools has been one of the basic principles of the educational finance system in Japan since World War II. There is, however, little common comprehension about the significance of this principle, either in the administrative world or in the academic world. In this paper, the significance of this principle in the school system is examined through analysis of the formation of School Education Law Article 5 that prescribes this principle. This sentence of School Educational Law Article 5 reads as follows; "The establishers of schools shall manage the school which they established and defray the expenses of the school except for the cases specifically stipulated by laws or ordinances." The first half of this provision calls for the principle that school management is carried out by the establishers of schools while the latter part is called the principle of defrayment of school expenses by the establishers of schools. It is often said that the principle of defrayment of school expenses by the establishers of schools was valid not only after World War II but also before World War II, even before the establishment of the School Educational Law. However, before World War II, although there were ten types of Imperial Ordinances for schools, the provisions concerning this principle were written in only four Ordinaces: the Elementary School Ordinance, the Youth School Ordinance, the Secondary School Ordinance and the School for the Blind and School for the Deaf and Dumb Ordinance. From this fact it may be deduced that in cases where cities, towns and villages (or prefectures) were obligated to establish schools by the state, these provisions were required specifically, because it was assumed that the affairs of education were those of the state. Accordingly, before World War II, this principle meant that, although the state managed the shcools, cities, towns and villages (or prefectures) were obliged to defray the expenses of these schools. After World War II, responsibility for educational affairs were changed from the state level to the local level by educational reforms as well as local government reforms. The authority for school management, together with responsibility for defrayment of school expenses, has since belonged to the founders of schools as specified in the School Educational Law, Article 5. In this case, the point should be emphasized especially that local education has been separated from the control of the state. It can therefore be said that the principle of the defrayment of shcool expenses by the establishers has come to obtain significance concerning the principle that financially secures the self-governing control of the schools which have been established by cities, towns and villages (or prefectures).

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The purposes of this paper are to examine the changes of the Texas public school teacher's tenure and to discuss procedures and causes required for teacher dismissal and nonrenewal. Before the 1960's, all teachers in Texas were employed under term contract with local boards, which had exclusive statutory authority to hire and dismiss teachers. The vast majority of teachers in Texas had been hired on one-year term contracts that were renewed annually. But in 1967 the legislature adopted the probationary and continuing contract law as set forth in Texas Education Code § 13. 101 et seq. and in 1981 the Term Contract Nonrenewal Act as set forth in Texas Education Code § 21. 201 et seq., so that teacher status would be guaranteed. Now, there are two types of contractual relationships with teachers in Texas: "term contract" and "continuing contract." School districts may choose one of the two types. In the probationary and continuing contract school districts, a newly employed teacher is on probationary status during the first three, or in a special case four, years of teaching and then the teacher will obtain continuing contract status. When continuing contract status is obtained, the employment relationship automatically continues without the necessity of nomination and school board approval. The probationary and continuing contract law spells out procedures for a notice and a hearing, which must be followed in the dismissal of a teacher. It also requires good and just causes for dismissal of probationary or continuing contract teachers. In the term contract school districts, a teacher's term contract is automatically renewed unless the district initiates nonrenewal procedures pursuant to the Term Contract Nonrenewal Act in a timely manner. The Act further requires the district to adopt policies establising the reasons that will support a decision not to renew a teacher's employment at the end of a contract term. In addition, the Act establishes procedures for nonre-newal decisions of teachers. The findings of this study are as follows: Teacher dismissal or nonre-newal procedures and causes are set forth in law, so that school boards in Texas cannot absolutely dismiss or not renew a techer. Teachers are entitled to a hearing and an appeal pursuant to the procedure set forth in law and are not dismissed or nonrenewed except for good and just causes. We can thus conclude that in the teacher's dismissal or nonrenewal clear standards of causes and procedures are necessary.

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In this paper I examine the debate between Hokkaido Prefectural Government (Do-Cho) officials and the members of the prefectural assembly and try to point out the characteristics of the policy for secondary schools by analyzing the minutes of the 2nd and 3rd assembly when the Do-Cho made known public its financial principle for secondary schools. I gained some findings from each assembly as follows; At the 2nd assembly of 1902, 1 The Do-Cho was going to establish Kamikawa middle school step by step in four years because of the shortage of financial resources. But most members of the assembly didn't agree to this plan. To found the school in the next year they made an effort to find financial resources. 2 The Do-Cho agreed with the assembly to open the school the next year and was going to manage to raise the funds by increasing tuition fees of other middle school and girl's high school. But members of the assembly disagreed again and solved this financial problem by obtaining subscriptions from the Kamikawa residents. From that time subscriptions drew considerable attention as a convenient resource to establish a new secondary school. At the 3rd assembly of 1903, 1 The Do-Cho refused the recommendation from the assembly that suggested the establishment of Hakodate Girl's High School in 1904 and at last made clear its financial plan for secondary schools. This plan stipulated that it was impossible to establish a new prefectural middle school or girl's high school without a subscription. 2 After that the Do-Cho ironically consulted the assembly about the establishment of the prefectural girl's high school in 1905, based on the subscription of Hakodate residents. It was implied that the leadership in the policy-making about secondary schools had shifted from members of the assembly to Do-Cho's officials in response to this request for advice. Through these two assemblies Do-Cho took the initiative and set policy for secondary schools. From that time middle schools and girl's high schools were mainly established by subscription and maintained by expensive tuition fees although vocational schools gained public financial aid.

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The purpose of this paper is to show both the present condition and a problem of opportunity concerning supervisors and the cultivation of their capacities. I especially focus on supervisors taking charge of moral education. The present system of moral education aims to cultivate the morality in child intrinsically. This is an important change in thinking from the previous image of moral education as forcing values on a child. However, this new moral education demands more highly skilled teachers. An ability is required, for example, to comprehend the comments of a child precisely, an ability that analyzes values included in comments accurately and an ability to compose lessons coolly even when these lessons do not advance on schedule. Teachers are also called upon to collect and develop material and teaching methods that children find interesting. However, there is a limit to the efforts of individual teachers. Supervisors are thus called upon to aid teachers. One way is the supply of information about materials and teaching methods. Even more important is advice activity, because teachers get themes for their practices and clues to approaching them through advice based on actual lessons. Naturally, the improvement of capacities is also required of supervisors. The ability to accurately point out the problems of a teacher is especially called for and is difficult to foster. For this paper I interviewed 18 supervisors who enthusiastically tackle moral education concerning the opportunity to work forwards capacity formation as supervisors and about their impression for such opportunities. As a result, they pointed out that they are learning through various lectures sponsored by the Ministry of Education, communication meetings between supervisors in each prefecture, and research announcement meetings in research-designated schools by the Ministry of Education. Although many supervisors replied that such opportunities have had a certain effect, those contents are also seen as not sufficient. Through them, supervisors are learning to some degree about various materials and teaching methods. Yet, they hardly learn about the concrete method of giving advice to a teacher. So, most advice today of supervisors is carried out on the basis of the experiences over time of supervisors as teachers in schools and the experiences of their school visits in the course of their duties. It seems that the opportunity of training on the spot of activities for advice for supervisors should be offered. If improvement measures for the situation are shown from this survey, one is to itemize and hold lectures of the Ministry of Education according to the specialized capacity of supervisors. Second is the request to invite more teachers with outstanding educational practices as lecturers. It is most important to carry out lectures and discussions based on actual model lessons. If the opportunity of cultivating the capacities of a supervisor is not arranged more properly, the new moral education that Ministry of Education is aiming for, and that many people hope for, can not be realized.

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We now consider the school choice system as a policy that expands parent rights, eases official restrictions, and revitalizes public schools. This system in the United States and England has also been studied in Japan, examining its merits and demerits. On the contrary, we have now begun to discuss introducing school choice in Japan. This system will cause a restructuring of the Japanese educational system which is said to be uniform. Hence, we must investigate the applicability of the school choice system from various viewpoints. In particular, success in introducing the system in Japan heavily depends on the number and the distribution of schools. To give actual examples, local governments in an urban area have densely located schools, while rural areas have sparsely located schools. Such differences in the physical condition greatly affects the school choice system. Hence, we have to examine if the school choice system is possible under the given conditions. Motivated by the above discussion, this paper aims to develop a method for measuring the possibility of the school choice system from a view of commuting time and the number of school buses required as public transport. First, using several assumptions, we propose equations for computing the distance between a student and the school. Second, using these equations, we present the procedure of calculating the number of required school buses. Third, we applied the method to the 3,300 local governments in Japan. From this empirical study, we obtained the following findings: 1) Population density is helpful for determining whether or not the school choice system can be introduced to the local government. 2) The applicability of the school choice system shows much difference between metropolitan prefectures and Hokkaido/Tohoku prefectures, as well as between cities and towns/villages. 3) We proved that independent variables, such as the maximum walking distance and the maximum number of school buses, have a greatly impact on the applicability of the school choice system. Hence, by relieving these conditions, the school choice system becomes more applicable. 4) To extend the applicability of the school choice system, increasing the maximum distances of walk from the school and the walk from the bus stop is effective. The latter is more effective than the former. 5) In cities or wards, we can introduce the 3 choices-flexibility of school designation. These findings enable us to discuss the school choice system in Japan more concretely.

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Recently School-Based Budgeting has been introduced in the UK, USA and Australia. However, the relationship between School-Based Budgeting and School Improvement has not been made clear. In this article I will try to shed light on this relationship by studying the school finance system in the State of Victoria, Australia. In Victoria, the School Global Budget was implemented as a new school finance system in government schools. The significance of this development can be internationally stressed. The School-Global Budget is a system which gives full discretion in resource allocation to schools. In the 1980s the decentralisation of curriculum to schools was implemented by the Labor Government, but this policy did not always improve the quality of education. At that time the economic situation became worse and educational reform was therefore expected. In 1992 the newly elected Liberal-National government decided to make an educational administration reform known as "Schools of the Future." This was a radical decentralisation of schools in the field of curriculum, staffing and budgeting. But it was significant that the Victorian System set up a Charter and Triennial Review. The "Charter" is a three-year school development plan which includes a budget program. This has to be adopted by representatives of the school council, principals and the Education Department in Victoria. The Triennial Review is a school evaluation system supported and advised by the Education Department Roles include promotion of the development of a management cycle in each school. The School-Global Budget is composed of Core Funding and Other Funding elements, but schools usually also receive voluntary contributions from parents and the community. Schools then have to allocate these resources and manage effectively through self-management. In Victoria the Self-Managing School Theory had an effect upon the "Schools of the Future" to a large extent. It is a theory organised and developed by Professor Caldwell and Mr Spinks. The key part of the theory is the development cycle in the Self-Managing School as illustrated in their book. The management cycle combines not only curriculum and school review also School Global Budget. This clearly illustrates the importance of School Global Budget in the Self-Managing School. According to a survey conducted by the department the University of Melbourne and Principals' Association, the School Global Budget is supported by principals in general. Further focusing on the case of Morang South Primary School in Melbourne, the author found that the School Global Budget could be linked with School Improvement. Principal leadership was important in this case. Lastly, three key points in the relationship between School-Based budgeting and School Improvement should be noted. First, a support system needs to be set up by the department, such as the Charter and Triennial Review. These systems promote the development of the management cycle in each school. Second, the importance of theoretical background can be stressed. Schools need a school management theory on which they can depend because decentralised schools have a lot of responsibilities. Third, principal leadership is essential since principal have to combine management resources seeking for School Improvement based on their leadership.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the unknown significances of the Local School Councils System (LSCs) in Chicago School Reform. Though the LSCs have been regarded in general as a means of lay control over education, they should be regarded by nature as a sphere for a civic conference on education. In that perspective, this paper analyses the LSCs theoretically, focusing on the writings of Rollow and Bryk. These authors criticize the traditional conceptions of school politics for reducing all activities of individuals into a competition of private interests. Moreover, they say that public interests have begun to be observed since the implementation of the Chicago School Reform. They also pay attention to the importance of public discussion about common affairs based on local democratic politics. Public discussion in the LSCs means a civic conference on education, which needs to be investigated further in order to clarify the significances of the LSCs. The definition of the school is the most important theme in the public discussion of the LSCs. It should not be received as an ordinary word but should be positively formed as an objective category of decision-making concerning education. It includes the mission, goals, or ganization, operations, and relationship to the broader community of the school. It is a term that is meant to both be challenged and reestablished. Lay members in LSCs can deal with this because of its comprehensive character. They can also evaluate and make new directions of education through this concept. Public discussion in the LSCs has both functional and processual features. The first functional feature is to make evaluations of schooling by local communities available. In this evaluation, normative basic values for which activities in schools are based can be examined. The second functional feature is to create an alternative schooling and then give social support for it. On the other hand, as concerns processual features, the first is that the legitimacy of conflicts be approved in public discussion. Second, public interest is able to be formed in the process of this public discussion. These two processual features reinforce each other. In the process of public discussion, the public skills of the LSCs' members play an important role. With the above considerations, this paper comes to the following two conclusions: The LSCs have the first significance in that parents and community members can challenge education at each school without bringing unfair pressure upon it. The second significance is that the LSCs can enrich the cultural background for educational decision-making.

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The purpose of this study is to discover differences in the secondary school admissions systems among Local Education Authorities and ideas behind these systems after the introduction of quasi-market reforms in education by the Education Reform Act 1988 in England and Wales. Ball has pointed out several problems of the quasi-market approach in education by a case study conducted in London, and concluded that the basic values of comprehensive education were being undermined by and replaced by market values. He also claimed that effects of the legislative framework of the market system could be exacerbated or modified by LEA policies. Although Ball offered insightful findings in London, are his findings relevant across England and Wales? Chubb and Moe argued that a market system was the most effective means of improving school organisation in the United States. This claim needs to be treated as hypothesis and to be examined in UK. Further, how are LEAs able to control market forces by setting up their own admissions systems and other policies? To answer the questions mentioned above, the relationships between the admissions system of each LEA and the effects of market forces need to be explored. For this subject, it is deemed to be sensible to find out differences and ideas of secondary school admissions systems on a national scale. Parent's booklets for their children's admissions to secondary school were collected from 103 LEAs and were analysed in respect of the following three points: 1) selective or comprehensive system. 2) catchment area system. 3) criteria for deciding admissions. Next, the ideas behind the admissions systems were examined. It was found that a selective system or selective county/voluntary controlled schools still existed in 16 LEAs, out of 103. As for the catchment area system, it was possible to group this into six types. One extreme was a catchment area system, where parents were initially offered a place at just one local school and were not required to respond to the offer of a place unless they wished to express a preference other than the designated school. The other extreme was a free choice systm, where an LEA was hardly involved in the admissions process. It was found that the most common criterion was siblings currently attending the school, followed by medical/social factors and catchment area residence. LEAs having a catchment area system tended to give a higher priority to those who were living within catchment area. On the other hand, LEAs without a catchment area system saw siblings as more important than other factors. While the former set their systems based on the idea of comprehensive schooling, the latter were committed to open enrolment and diversity of schools, and believed that market forces improved the quality of education.

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I Purposes of this Symposium This symposium was held on 29th September 1996 at the 31st Annual Conference of the Japan Educational Administration Society. Its purposes were to analyze decenralization policy and its impact on educational administration, to consider the tasks for the decentralization of educational administration with special reference to the needs of changing society and to educational reform movement in international perspective, and to examine practical issues for promoting the decentralization of Japanese educational administration. II Summary of Proposals by the Three Panelists 1 Proposal of Tsutomu HORIUCHI (Kyoto University of Education) 1) The problem of the decentralization of educational administration has been posed by national administration reform policy. 2) But it should be considered sinserely, because the educational administration is the least decentralized but in fact should be the most decentralized. 3) The two axioms for decentralization are (1)participation of citizens and parents in administration, and (2)assurance of professionalism in educational administration. 2 Proposal of Yoshimi TSUBOI (Aichi University of Education) 1) Redistribution of educational affairs among central and local educational authorities should be considered to assure the fundamental rights of education and to promote democratization, efficiency and equity in educational administration. 2) This redistribution will be varied by the nature of educational affairs. 3) To realize educational autonomy, a "School Conference" should be created which should assure the participation of parents, citizens, pupils and teachers and be the highest organ of policy-making in school management. 3 Proposal of Yoshiharu YAMAUCHI (Superintendent of Board of Education, Higashi Hirosima City) 1) It should be questioned whether local boards of education have the appropriate power or not to undertake decentralization. 2) The tasks of decentralization are to meet thte "individualization" of local education. III Main topics of discussion 1) How can the study of educational administration contribute to the practice of educational administration reform? 2) What are definitions of "decentralization," "autonomy," "participation,"? 3) How can we assure professionalism in educational administration, especially with the contribution of universities to the education of educational administrators? 4) Most local boards of education do not have adequate facilities to decentralize educational administration. What will be necessary to reach an appropriate level? 5) About the possibilities of decentralization for each item of educational administration. For example, the nomination of the superintendent of the board of education, determination of the course of study, the adoption of textbooks, and so forth. 6) Finally, concepts and possibilities for a "School Conference" proposed by Professor Y. TSUBOI.

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The purpose of this study is to identify issues related to the structure of teachers' selection, and find the means to improve the state of affairs from the standpoints of both practice and theory in educational administration. Three presenters suggested several controversial points as follows: Nowadays, teachers are expected to play a variety of roles, most of which are heavy work loads for them. Also, criticism in which teachers are not able to meet the expectations of the citizens is becoming widely accepted. Thus, one of the urgent issue for educational administration to tackle is to improve the structure of teachers' selection, as well as enrichment of teacher education and training. Recently, some efforts have been made for the improvement. For instance, a board of education started taking a representative of local parents as one of the interviewers for the selection; several boards of education are referring to candidates' essays, curricula vitae and experiences in part-time teaching as important documents for the selection. Thus, boards of education attempt to assess candidates from the new criteria such as characters and personalities, as well as traditional means of evaluation, that is, paper test/examination. Moreover, in examination for teachers' selection, some prefectures pose questions that deal with locally unique matters rather than questions of general knowledge on pedagogy. However, the mechanism of selection for teachers is generally not clear. In the light of 'rights to know', accountability for the population and 'better teacher education', boards of education bear responsibility of informing the public of the contents of examination, reasons for selection results, etc. Only a few boards of education started releasing information on criteria for the selection, but not all. Because of the decreasing number of students, schools face many problems. Therefore teacher education is expected to train candidates so that can deal with these problems, to improve the levels of teacher education/training, and to decrease the number of teacher training courses. It is an important issue for universities to produce excellent student for teachers. However, it is often pointed in the interview for candidates in selection that it is difficult for them to find in the meaning in studying at universities because the contents they have leant there are useless for the examination. Therefore, it seems necessary for universities to join the process of teacher's selection as well. A plenary session followed the presentation summarized above by all the participants. Issues identified in the plenary session are: 1. Boards of education should understand the essential meaning of decentralization ; 2. Boards of education should indicate clearly criteria of selection to universities/candidates ; 3. It is difficult to justify the reasons by which boards of education are not allowed to release the information on contents of examination; 4. It is important to enrich educational studies and teacher pre-service education so that they can indicate appropriate criteria for the selection; and 5. It is necessary to organize a consultative forum in which universities and boards of education discuss the selection together.

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This is the report of the 3rd Joint Seminar on Educational Administration cooperated by our society and The Korea Educational Administration Society. This seminar was held in our 31st annual meeting at Hiroshima University on 28th September 1996. We had two presentations on the educational finance in both countries. First was 'The position of educational finance in the governmental finance under the change of educational situation and problems in Japan' presented by Prof. Sho Takakura. Second was 'The educational problems and educational finance in Korea' presented by Prof. Geong-il Yune. After their presentations, two chairmen, Prof. Kim and Prof. Ichikawa gave their comments and some questions. Unfortunately it was not enough to exchange the opinions between two professors and other participants. But all participants could have much understanding on the common and different aspects of the educational finance in Japan and Korea.

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As a career official of MONBUSHO, Professor Kida served for more than thirty years after the War. Professor Kida took care of various issues of educational administration, such as the textbook authorization system, the board of education system, educational planning in accordance with economic development, and the development of higher education and re- search. In these diverse fields, he produced numerous research papers and generated extensive data.

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This book gives us a vivid image of American secondary education and of the serious reform effort by the Coalition of Essential Schools. Its author, Theodore R. Sizer, formerly dean of Harvard's Graduate School of Education and headmaster of Phillips Academy in Andover, Mass., is an university professor emeritus at Brown University and chairman of the Coalition of Essential Schools in Providence, R.I. He is already known in Japan as one of America's leading educational reformers and as the author of his previous books, HORACE'S COMPROMISE in 1984 and HORACE'S SCHOOL in 1992. In this book, the newest one of this Horace trilogy, the author reflects on his years in the school reform effort. The main principles of his reform effort through the Coalition of Essential Schools are summarized as follows: 1 The school should focus on helping adolescents learn to use their minds well. 2 The school's goals should be simple: that each student master a limited number of essential skills and areas of knowledge. The aphorism "less is more" should dominate: curricular decisions should be guided by the aim of thorough student mastery rather than by an effort merely to cover content. 3 The school's goals should apply to all students. School practice should be tailor-made to meet the needs of every group or class of adolescents. 4 Teaching and learning should be personalized. Efforts should be directed toward a goal that no teacher have direct responsibility for more than eighty students. 5 The metaphor of the school should be student-as-worker and teacher-as-coach rather than teacher-as-deliverer-of-instructional-services. 6 Students entering secondary school studies are those who can show competence in language and elementary mathematics. The diploma should be awarded upon a successful final demonstration of mastery for graduation-an "Exhibition." 7 The tone of the school should stress values of unanxious expectation ("I won't threaten you but I expect much of you"), of trust and of decency. Parents should be treated as essential collaborators. 8 The principal and teachers should perceive themselves as generalists first (teachers and scholars in general education) and specialists second (experts in one particular discipline). 9 Ultimate administrative and budget targets should not exceed that at traditional schools by more than 10 percent. It seems to me that some of these principles would provide the Japanese readers with important lessons to break through the problem of too much cramming and too little creative or individualistic thinking in Japanese secondary education. This book is also recommendable to Japanese researchers who have been studying American educational reform since the early 1980s.

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1. The aim of this study The Prussian (German) public education system had a great influence upon the development of the education systems of industrial nations (including Japan) after the middle of the 19th century. However, until recently little interest has been shown in the fact that in the age of Imperial Germany (1871-1918) the traditional Prussian public education system was itself gradually reorganized. In spite of provisions in the Civil Code of 1794, or the Constitution of 1850, Prussian schools, especially elementary schools (Volksschule) were traditionally under the autonomous control of regional protagonists, namely city councilors, manorial lords (Gutsherr), the church, and local residents. Conversely, in the Imperial Era, the Prussian school system was characterized by a stronger control by state authorities. Almost half the expenditure of elementary schools in the rural areas of east Prussia was paid by state subsidies. How and why did the Prussian public education system change in the age of Imperial Germany? The aim of this study is to clarify the process and structure of this reorganization, by analyzing several school bills and the resulting arguments raised about the public school system in the Prussian parliament. 2. Summary While Prime Minister Bismarck regarded school politics only as a measure of political struggles, Adalbert Falk, who was installed as the Minister of Education in January 1872 and who was politically close to the National Liberal party, intended to fundamentally modernize and reform the Prussian school system. The School Supervision Law of 1872 was a starting point for the professionalization of school supervision and the innovation of the Prussian school system. The Comprehensive School Bill with 789 Articles of 1877, drafted under the energetic administration of Falk, could not, however, be introduced into the Prussian parliament because of changes in the Prussian political situation. Contained in this bill was the noteworthy idea that the state should restrain itself from exercising its authority. This idea of restraint was concretely materialized in the reorganization plan for the maintenance and administration of elementary schools, which recognized the rights and participation of the community and its residents. Moreover, following the era of Minister Falk, the Ministry of Education tried to enact scholl bills with the object of improving elementary education in rural areas. This intention, however, was compelled to retreat before not only the majority of the Prussian parliament, composed of the Conservative and Center parties which desired to retain the myriad powers of Gutsherr and church in elementary schools, but also the frequent interferences of Prime Minister Bismarck, who had little sympathy for the interests of elementary education. The two School Laws of 1887 and 1888, in spite of ostensible flourishes such as the decentralization of educational administration, the reduction of school charges for regional inhabitants and so on, did not connect with the improvement of elementary education itself and concealed only the structural inconsistencies of the elementary school system. Seizing the opportunity created by Bismarck's resignation in March 1890, the Ministry of Education introduced in the 1890s a succession of several school bills, which shared the same characteristic of improving elementary education through a strengthened state educational administration. However, these school bills, apart from the Teacher's Salaries Law of 1897, broke down on account of a severe confrontation between conservative-religious factions and the liberal parties. As passionate arguments and conflict concerning the Prussian public education system raged in parliament, the School Maintenance Law, the first law reforming the maintenance and administration of elementary schools in Prussia, was barely passed in July 1906. In order

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