This article attempts to delineate the working conditions of female domestics in Kathmandu, Nepal, as well as their perspectives towards work, amidst the beginning of embryonic labour movements started by a small group of them. The catch-all slogan employed by the movement is "Housework is work, domestics are workers." Why did that enunciation, which seemingly states a plain fact rather than a demand or claim, come to be the slogan for the movement? In the attempt to pursue the answer to that question, the author tries to clarify the objective as well as the discursive status of women working as domestics in present-day Kathmandu. Speaking of the working conditions of the female domestics in Kathmandu, the most conspicuous feature is a lack of standards. In other words, their working conditions are extremely diversified, making it difficult for them to be described in general terms. For example, although the working hours of a few domestics may be quite short, a number of them have to work quite long, with some of them working extremely long hours. Wages could be viewed as not so bad for a few, given that the work is presumed to require no special skills or knowledge; indeed, most of them work for a pittance, with some cases of no wages being paid at all. Moreover, there is actually a statistical tendency for those working longer to get lower hourly wages. The tendency does not appear to be rationally explicable; the highly "unreasonable" pattern of wages and working-hour distribution underscores the lack of standards in the work and its remuneration. The lack of standards in turn suggests that the working conditions for each domestic are more or less determined: not so much by an evaluation of the work based upon some objective standards, but by the unpredictable whim of each employer. While there is no denying that some mature domestics can negotiate working terms with their employers to some extent, the terms, as a rule, seem to be determined largely by the employers. That fact can be understood in relation to the present situation in Nepal, where the market for domestic labour is yet to be institutionalized, and in which domestics are-in line with other workers in the informal sector-not recognized as "workers" under the related state laws. Domestic employment so far has invariably been searched for via personal networks and agreed upon privately, meaning that domestics are removed from benefits and protections enjoyed by those in the formal sector. As for the subjective perspective of Kathmandu domestics toward their own work, it is notable that they regard it quite poorly completely in line with other Nepalis in general (except for a few already involved in the union movement). They invariably state that they do the work because nothing else is available to them. Behind that evaluation is the notion that housework is not valuable-possibly not even being considered proper work-and is something that anyone can do (even children, as is often the case in Nepal). Also important in understanding their attitude is that they tend to be treated as "servants" by their employers, not as equal individuals who agree to provide labour in exchange for remuneration. That is not to mention the fact that the remuneration itself is far from encouraging compared with other kinds of work (even though the amount could vary greatly). Given the evaluation of domestic work and attitude toward it, most domestics understandably speak of their hope to break free from their present state, that is, their "servant"-like condition. Some try to redefine their relationship with their employers as being their "daughters" or "little sisters," while some try to leave the occupation altogether. But the possibility of such attempts succeeding is, in fact, rather narrow. Needless to say, it is essentially impossible to become someone

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

View full abstract

In various places around the world, there are many indigenous resource management (IRM) systems closely related to local people's beliefs in supernatural agents. Although the importance and effectiveness of a "community-based" or "participatory" approach in natural resource management have been realized, previous studies in resource management-such as 'commons' studies-have not sufficiently thematized IRM practices based on the interaction between local people and supernatural agents. Field research focusing on such practices seems to be needed in order to promote self-directed resource management by the people who 'coexist with supernatural agents.' In this paper, I would like to show how the well-structured utilization of forest resources (game resources) is created and maintained through the interaction of local people and supernatural agents, and will consider how such IRM is adaptable to the local socio-cultural context in a mountain community on central Seram Island in eastern Indonesia. Field research was conducted intermittently between 2003 and 2007 in Manusela village, located in the forest interior of central Seram. In 2003, the population of Manusela was about 320 (about 60 households). There is no navigable road to Manusela, and the villagers need to walk long distances as there are only trails to the coastal area. The journey from Manusela to the north coast takes two or three days. The journey from Manusela to the south coast takes one day on foot. The mountain people of Seram are highly dependent on sago, starch extracted from sago palm (Metroxylon spp.). Sago is mainly composed of pure starch. Therefore, game resources are indispensable for those who find it difficult to fish in coastal waters or to purchase fish or meat in local coastal markets. Cuscus (Phalanger orientalis, Spilocuscus maculates), Celebes wild boar (Sus celebensis), and Timor deer (Cervus timorensis) accounted for almost 90 percent of the wild animal food resources consumed by villagers, in terms of the amount of protein. Those animals are mainly caught by trapping. Primary forest is regarded as a hunting ground, and is called kaitahu. In the village territory (petuanan) of Manusela, the kaitahu is divided into more than 250 forest lots based on natural landmarks such as rivers and/or ridges. Although each forest lot belongs to a certain individual or group, kaitahu kua ('owner' of the forest), the actual forest use is non-exclusive. Anyone who obtains the permission of a kaitahu kua is allowed to trap or hunt game animals in the forest. In fact, most village men have conducted trapping or hunting in a forest owned by another kaitahu kua. Although forests, as hunting grounds, are always under the control of kaitahu kua, forests are also opened up to non-kaitahu kua as well. When the number of animals decreases, trapping or hunting is temporarily halted by the imposition of a customary ban, seli kaitahu. The kaitahu kua has the right to decide to impose seli kaitahu. The villager who imposes that temporary prohibition of the forest use prays to the spirits of the forest (awa and sira tana) and the ancestors (mutuaila) with offerings of tobacco for the restoration of the game population. No one can conduct trapping or hunting in a forest where seli kaitahu has been imposed. Villagers strongly believe that if they violate seli kaitahu, they cannot succeed in trapping or hunting, and they or their family members will surely meet with misfortune (sickness, etc.) because of the sanctions imposed by the awa, sira tana and mutuaila. The rule of seli kaitahu as a temporary prohibition of trapping or hunting is effectively enforced by supernatural enforcement mechanisms, which seem to eliminate competition among villagers for resources (game animals and hunting grounds), increased hunting pressure, and conflict among villagers over game

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

View full abstract

The purpose of this paper is to rethink the relationship between parents and children in Taiwanese Chinese patrilineal society from the point of view of the daughter. By examining how women live as daughters after changing their family affiliation through marriage, we can reconsider their relationships with their natal family members throughout their lives. Furthermore, changes in family life are very clearly illustrated by analysing daughters, who were traditionally exempt from the duties and obligations of succession, inheritance, taking care of aged parents and ancestor worship. Many previous studies of the Chinese kinship system focused on its patrilineal aspects, based on the 'lineage paradigm' that patrilineal descent ideology predominates over the principles of social organization. However, although other studies have been made of matrilateral and affinal relationships, little discussion has been made of the role of the women who make up those relationships, and only a few studies have tried to examine the role of daughters. Daughters play a very important role in relation to their natal families through the bridal process. The size of the dowry given by the father indicates the family's economic condition. After marriage, the natal family sends gifts to the daughter's conjugal family unit for support during rites of passage for her children, the division of her husband's joint family, and so on. The daughter also continues to maintain intimate connections with her natal family members. A reconsideration of daughters' roles within traditional family customs in Taiwanese Chinese society clearly demonstrates the formal obligations of married-out daughters in the funeral rites of their parents, illustrating the sophisticatedly ritualized existence of daughters in Taiwanese Chinese society. In addition, daughters form the link between their husbands and their fathers, bringing sons-in-law who can provide faithful support to their fathers-in-law. Nowadays, the importance of daughters in Taiwan is growing along with changes in family life, but we may well wonder whether it is a new phenomenon or not. To answer that question, this paper analyses the life histories of women who attended kotojogakko (secondary education, meaning 'high school for girls') during the Japanese colonial period (1895-1945), as those women can be regarded as the prototype of the working elite woman in changing contemporary society. During the period of Japanese rule, women gained access to educational opportunities outside the home. At the beginning of Japanese colonial rule, the colonial government thought it necessary to change the role of women in Taiwan, making them build new-style families and raise children suitable to the new era. It had the Taiwanese elites arrange to have their daughters schooled in the Japanese language. Kotojogakko was available to a very small portion of the upper social classes in the earliest period, and thereafter, girls of the middle class could also attend. They were not typical Taiwanese women, but more a symbol of Japanese rule. Kotojogakko offered a kind of education that taught traditional feminine virtues in association with new "modern" concepts and Japanization. At school, students learned Japanese manners, celebrated Japanese annual events, and studied the concepts of hygiene, diligence, and frugality. What the girls obtained through their school education could be expected to take on meaning in their lives, especially in managing a home after marriage. Women who had kotojogakko education were (and are still) regarded highly. They were valued as having acquired traditional virtues and modem knowledge. Even in traditional families, daughters appealed to their father's power through the bridal process, especially dowries, and gifts from them after marriage. Having received a modern education in school,

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

View full abstract

This paper re-examines the concept of family/kinship in San studies by analyzing life-stories among the !Xun San living in north-central Namibia. Early researchers, who are now called traditionalists, considered the San to be contemporary hunter-gatherers who provided a key to the reconstruction of primitive forms of human society. They asserted that the Ju|'hoan, the most famous group of San, maintained social order through simple social organizations based on family ties. In the late 1980s, however, San studies reached a significant turning point. A group of researchers, often called revisionists, argued that the San were merely groups of people who had been transformed into an underclass within a larger politico-economic system that included neighboring Bantu agropastoral communities. They considered that membership in a Ju|'hoan kinship group formed the basis of entitlement to land and provided exchange networks for beadwork and other symbolically valued materials. In light of those research trends, study of the !Xun, a group of San living in north-central Namibia, provides a valuable perspective on San studies. Combining all of the following elements, comparison of the !Xun with the Ju|'hoan provides an unparalleled opportunity for intensive regional comparison [BARNARD 1992]: (1) The !Xun language is closely related both genetically and typologically to the Ju|'hoan language. (2) Although several cognate kinship terms are recognized between the !Xun and Ju|'hoan, their kinship and naming systems are also characterized by the following considerable differences: (a) Rather than the well-known homonymous method [MARSHAL 1976], the normal generational method predominates in the use of !Xun kinship terms; (b) the !Xun have a surname system that is passed on by cross-descent, whereas the Ju|'hoan have no such system; and (c) most !Xun individuals hold multiple names, such as the !Xun name, surname, teknonym, nurse name, Hai||om (a San group) name, Owambo name, and Christian name. (3) The Ju|'hoan adopted a nomadic foraging lifestyle in their semi-arid environment, whereas the !Xun have learned a sedentary lifestyle in which members cultivate crops and work for the neighboring Owambo agropastoralists. (4) The Ju|'hoan have remained relatively distant from other peoples until recently, while the !Xun have had multidimensional contacts with powerful authorities, such as the Owambo, colonial governments, and missionaries, for centuries. The following examples of life-stories enable us to examine the interplay between their ethnicity and familial/kin relationships with special reference to the applications of the surname system of !Xun (||'honi), the clan system of Owambo (epata), and the surname system of Hai||om (n!hao): (1) A male born of an Owambo father and a !Xun mother was raised as an Owambo. After his father passed away, however, he moved into a !Xun camp with his mother and siblings and lived as a !Xun, depending on Owambo people. (2) A male with Hai||om parents worked for the Owambo chief with his !Xun colleague for many years and then married a !Xun female. He then moved to a village founded by missionaries, where he was later chosen as the headman of the village's !Xun camp. (3) A !Xun girl born in a !Xun camp was fostered by an Owambo family for more than 10 years. She gave birth to two children, the first with an Owambo classmate and the second with an Owambo ex-soldier. When she was pregnant with her third child, by the Owambo ex-soldier, she went back to the !Xun camp and decided to settle there. The analysis of these examples elucidates the relationships among the ethnic groups living in the area, societal functions of familial/kin ties, and the features of ethnic identity, as follows: (1) Under apartheid regimes, colonial governments tried to facilitate segregation by ethnic group. Contrary to that political

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

View full abstract

Against the backdrop of family diversification and the advancement of reproductive technology, considerable public interest and power have been focused on discussing the parent-child relationship, with the field of anthropology possibly perceived as having the most authority in the discussion. As is well known, research on kinship flourished for a time as a leading area of research in anthropology, and a substantial amount of qualitative and quantitative research has been accumulated in terms of the parent-child relationship. As exemplified by the use of terms such as "genitor" and "pater," anthropology distinguishes between biological and social parent-child relationships, with the latter being considered an appropriate subject of research. In such an approach, parent-child relationships are clearly shown to arise from sociocultural constructions. However, such research declined rapidly from around 1970. One of the reasons was the criticism that even in the anthropological approach, the underlying assumption deemed biological relationships to be more intrinsic, with such a biology-based view based on the Western concept of kinship. A 1984 study by Schneider, in particular, reinforced that trend by pointing out that kinship is an object of concern only in Western societies, and thus such kinship only exists in the West. This paper attempts to explore ideas that may lead to a breakthrough in the current state of kinship studies. Since the 1990s, anthropology has seen a revival of kinship studies. However, it can hardly be considered to have entered a new phase that breaks away from the Western framework. Instead, perhaps due to the haste in criticizing and deconstructing it, the debate has contrarily centered on the framework itself, and appears to have resulted in reproducing it. This paper addresses the current situation by developing an argument that introduces the perspective of "multiplicity of parent-child relationships," with reference to Italian cases. Ordinarily we expect there to be a single parent-child relationship, in which there is one father and one mother. Even in the case of adoptive parents and a child, although the relationship is two-fold, including that with the biological parents, only one of the relationships is recognized as the "official" parent-child relationship. The adoptive parent-child relationship is institutionalized as such in the first place. In Italy as well, parents of a child are usually regarded as the couple that gave birth to the child. The perception of parent and child in that country is exclusive, and the biology-based concept is also widespread. That concept is closely linked to such authorities as the state and the church, as exemplified by the Medically Assisted Reproductive Technology Act enacted in 2004, which is described in detail in Chapter 1. On the other hand, the number of adopted children is not so small, and many adoptive parents have biological children in addition to their adoptive ones. Close relatives such as uncles and aunts (or more recently, grandparents) often look after nieces and nephews (or grandchildren), and godparents, who are there to act as spiritual role models, may also provide practical assistance in daily life. Many adults in a range of non-parental roles (provision of assets, food, clothing, shelter, education, care, etc.) are involved in a child's daily life in various ways. These relationships seemly coexist with the parent-child relationship while relativizing its exclusivity. In Chapter 3, the reality of the parent-child relationship in Italy is described and discussed through case examples in towns on the outskirts of Rome, which is the region studied in this paper. Such multiple parent-child relationships (although it may not be appropriate to call them parent-child relationships anymore) can be observed in other cultural societies, and it is not

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

View full abstract

Previous studies of the parent-child relationship have mainly focused on the process of parents caring for their young children. Meanwhile, with health transition and longevity extension occurring worldwide, it is more important than ever before for anthropological studies of family and kinship to reexamine the parent-child relationship through the study of the support by adult children give their aging parents. As one attempt of such a project, this paper aims to describe the relationship between aging parents and adult children in a lowland village in Laos. Though the support of aging parents in the village is based on filiations, it fails to completely explain the practices of aging parent support and care themselves, as well as their relationships. As described in chapter two, marriage is one life stage that leads adult children to build different lives from those of their parents as a family cycle process. Depending on their position, children carry out the division of labor and/or cooperation of the various activities in their vocations and lifestyle, and get involved with their parents accordingly. That eventually builds up the relationship between siblings, and also becomes a form of supporting aging parents. During that process, people's daily lives, aging parent support, and the basis of living overlap in many areas. However, with socio-economic conditions in Laos having changed drastically since the 1980s, village life and the course of villagers' lives have also changed gradually. Such a transformation may cause similar effects on the typical ways that adult children support their aging parents. In order to examine the possibility of such a transformation, chapter three focuses on young women, who tend to go search for temporary work in Thailand, or want to go to college or university for further study. The young generation in Laos can now choose from a variety of life paths. In addition, people in village society have recently come to need and expect cash income. However, villagers still support their aging parents, and that creates standard forms of support that are also applicable to the recent life choices typically made by villagers (such as emigrating or going on to higher education). At the other extreme, the life style changes they face nowadays-either overt or latent-always have the potential to create a gap between standard forms of supporting aging parents and the foundation of such forms. Based on the above description, finally, the concept of "care" can be useful in understanding the way aging parents are supported in rural areas in lowland Laos, and the process by which it changes.

View full abstract