This paper throws light upon the native Hawaiian hanai adoption custom within the current institution that originates in the West, and analyzes both its internalization and reconstruction of the traditional values of "indigeneity" through the frame of a new adoption system. The analytical data in the paper were based on two years of fieldwork in native Hawaiian communities - also known as Hawaiian Homesteads - on the west coast of the island of O'ahu in Hawai'i. Hanai is an unwritten traditional Hawaiian custom whereby one family adopts a child from another and raises that child as a member of the adoptive family. The word is derived from a Hawaiian word meaning "to feed" or "to nourish. " The custom had been widely practiced in pre-contact Hawai'i (i.e., before Captain Cook's first visit in 1778), also playing a key role in its kinship system, particularly the perpetuation of family lineages. Hanai was also exercised to carry on the oral history of families, with grandparents adopting their grandchildren, though that was merely one quintessential form of hanai. We need to keep in mind that traditional Hawaiian adoption could take place in many different ways in a number of situations, making traditional hanai quite broad in actuality. It served the function of sustaining or strengthening the emotional, economical, and physical support among a broad spectrum of members of society, such as between an aunt and a niece, a male friend and a female friend, or an orphan and a relative. It should be also noted that the adoption customs widely practiced in Oceania have been drawing much anthropological attention recently. An analysis of previous kinship studies shows that the content and forms of adoption in the region can be explained by viewing them as a strengthening of already existing personal relations. That differs from the kinship theories developed in Europe and China, for example, where the continued prosperity of the family was considered vital. After the first Westerners reached the Hawaiian Islands in 1778, and in the course of the following colonization by the United States, new social values were brought to the Pacific and started to pervade the islands, drastically transforming the traditional concept of family through the implementation of Western norms in Hawaiian society. Later, in the 1960's, when a U.S. government-supported adoption scheme was introduced and became common among native Hawaiian families, new adoption practices institutionally supplanted older ones, with traditional hanai evidently going out of existence. Despite that expectation, the idea of hanai handed down from generation to generation has prevailed in modern native Hawaiian society. Residents in the native Hawaiian community also refer to the American adoption practice as hanai, emphasizing the continuity between the traditional and modern versions. As mentioned above, traditional hanai was a custom established among people in close relationships, while modern hanai is an institutional arrangement deeply reflecting American child welfare policy of the early 20th century. Before the practice of adoption became widespread in the United States, the word "fostering"was commonly used, referring to arrangements in which children were taken care of in homes other than their own. The practice of legal adoption was articulated in the United States only after the experience of the Great Depression and World War Two. Prior to legislation reform pertaining to adoption and fostering, orphanages were set up as general shelters for children in need of care. As statistics began to circulate indicating that children in orphanages were maltreated and often died, citizens in the United States initiated a movement to reform the government's child welfare policy. Eventually, in the 1970's, the modern system of adoption became popular as a

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This article explores the entangled relationship between two views of the indigenous perception of understanding the world and themselves by drawing on two approaches suggested by Tim Ingold [2000]: the genealogical model and the relational model. The genealogical model suggests that being indigenous is based on being a descendant of indigenous people, which can be transmitted across generations like property. That way of thinking is demonstrated by such official organs as the United Nations and International Labour Organization (ILO), and shares its roots with Western modernity. Ingold [2000 133], on the other hand, argues that such an approach fundamentally misrepresents the ways that those "we class as indigenous" actually constitute their identity, knowledgeability, and the environments in which they live [Ingold 2000: 133]. He suggests the relational model as an alternative, which posits that people are created through a continuous engagement with the land and its inhabitants, both human and nonhuman. Although that model is consonant with the views of people classed as indigenous, they often have to operate within the systems and discourses based on the genealogical model, disseminated through such various official organs as states and bureaucracies. Some authors have investigated the entangled relationships between the different thoughts based on the genealogical and relational models, where the relational way of perception has been incorporated into and survived under its influence by transforming the social system, rejecting or confronting the thinking based on the genealogical model. Among those responses, this article deals with aspects of appropriation, incorporation, and 'translation' of the genealogical way of thinking by the relational way, which has rarely been used for investigations of situations where social relations are not limited to those now classed as indigenous. The study employs data from field research on Aboriginal Australians in the southwestern suburbs of Sydney (South-western Sydney). South-western Sydney is a low-level socioeconomic area with poor infrastructure. Statistically, compared with other areas of the city, its population is less well-educated, suffering relatively high unemployment rates and tending to have low income levels. Most of the current Aboriginal Australian residents in the area are either migrants from other parts of Australia in the 1960's or later, or their descendants. Their main social relations are established via kin relationships and the activities of local organizations dealing with Aboriginal issues. Anthropological studies have argued about the Aboriginal sense of self - and thus the world - as related or relational, but have mostly been conducted in remote areas or rural towns where the self is depicted as forged in relationships with other Aboriginal people (mostly kin). Many Aboriginal people in South-western Sydney originally came from rural towns across Australia and have family connections, through which they have developed a sense of relational selves. Most of them keep that sense of relational self after having migrated to South-western Sydney, and express it in the custom of identifying each other through their knowledge of kin members. However, the diversity of the area's Aboriginal residents, as well as their geographical dispersion, makes it difficult for Aboriginal people to limit their social relations to other Aboriginal people alone. In addition to kin relationships, organizations dealing with Aboriginal issues provide another space to connect with Aboriginal people in the area through various projects. However, the genealogical understanding of indigeneity underlies those government-endorsed organizations. Through those organizations' activities, Aboriginal people from Aboriginal family backgrounds often encounter those who claim to be Aboriginal but have just

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In this paper, I analyze the construction of Inuit-descended Greenlanders' indigeneity during the postcolonial period (after 1979, when Greenlanders acquired autonomy from Denmark). By indigeneity, I mean the subdomain of ethnic identity of a certain group, forged in relationships with not only their colonizers but also the land on which they depend. Having reviewed the history of sheep farming in southern Greenland, I go on to describe how the tradition of sheep farming was developed in Greenland. Then, I show that in the eyes of urban Greenlanders, the sheep farmers who struggle to carve a new life for themselves in the inner fjords are the models of "authentic" Greenlanders who pursue Inuit life values. That is, sheep farmers are the reification of the ideal self-image that Greenlandic townspeople hold. Today, lamb and mutton meat are regarded as traditional foods of Greenland, besides the more traditional seal and whale meat. Yet, as recently as 1906, sheep farming was reintroduced by the Danes for the first time since the Norsemen era. (Strictly speaking, there had been several attempts prior to that to that, but it was the first to be successful permanently.) The history of sheep farming can be summarized as follows. Although it might have been a paternalistic attempt, the initiative to introduce sheep in Greenland was spurred by a groundswell of public opinion in Denmark at the turn of the 20th century in favor of "promoting" Greenlanders' living conditions. The Danish royal trade company built a sheep farming station in the town of Qaqortoq, the centre of the southern district of Greenland. As soon as the sheep farming practice was introduced, many local seal hunters were attracted to the new mode of livelihood. It was believed that sheep farming was only a sideline for hunters at that time, but in 1924, an ambitious Greenlandic townsman pioneered a remote place called Qassiarsuk and started to make his living exclusively by sheep farming. He was the first (Greenland-based) Greenlander to assume the role of prime mover (i.e., key person) in the development of sheep farming in Greenland. His successful trial became the impetus for the professional (large-scale) mode of sheep farming in southern Greenland, and full-time sheep farmers spread down south to the tip of southern Greenland. By the 1950's, sheep farming became one of the most important economic options for southern Greenlanders, with the number of locally-owned sheep reaching 22,000. After the establishment of autonomous government, some Greenlanders slowly took over the role of sheep farming promoters from the Danish. The government and the renewed sheep farming station (the current agricultural research station) worked on the modernization of sheep farming. In order to cope with recurrent harsh winters and the accompanying rise in sheep mortality in the hills and mountains, the government forced sheep owners to confine their animals to sheds during the winter, so as to increase their flock size and establish more fields. As a result, the structure of sheep farming changed from the prevailing system of small sheep owners to a small number of large-scale farmers. While sheep farming as a sideline disappeared, the large-scale sheep farmers established the sheep farming tradition in Greenland. Professional sheep farming requires large tracts of land. Accordingly, to become a professional sheep farmer means to become a settler and/or pioneer in a place isolated from one's extended family and friends in the towns and villages. In such isolated places, farmers need to be self-reliant, independent, and responsible for all that they do. That coincides with the situation in which Greenlanders pursue what they view as important Inuit values, namely: (1) generosity and hospitality, (2) responsibility toward the land and living things, (3) pride in knowledge about the

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While the human interest in astronomical phenomena has a long history, the academic study of cultural phenomena with astronomical significance has only begun in the middle of the 20_<th> century: e.g., studies of Stonehenge and Megalithic structures in Europe pioneered by astronomers and archaeologists. That trend stimulated similar studies in the New World, with many studies of ancient civilizations, such as the Aztec, Maya and Inka, first appearing in the 1970's. In contrast to Old World studies, which are mainly based on archaeological methods, the studies in the New World tend to integrate archaeological and ethnographic information. One reason for that seems to stem from the difference of disciplines, since archaeology in the United States was long treated as part of anthropology. It also used to be possible to research ethnographic information concerning astronomical phenomena in the New World based on archival study and fieldwork. In that context, several excellent pieces of literature of ethnoastronomy have been written that explicate a different way of viewing the sky and universe [e.g. Hudson and Underhay 1978; Urton 1981; Chamberlain 1982]. In addition, the concept of cosmovision proposed by J. Broda [1982, 1993] has been found to be a useful device to approach an integrated view of cosmology and cosmogony [Fairer 1992]. A similar trend is found in other parts of the world, such as Oceania and Africa [e.g. Sharp 1993]. Under those circumstances, the author argues that archaeological and ethnological studies are to be integrated as an anthropology of astronomical phenomena, or "astronomical anthropology." Through that integration, anthropology will serve an important role in the interdisciplinary field of "astronomy in culture" or "cultural astronomy" [Ruggles and Saunders 1993; Valls-Gabaud and Boksenberg 2011]. Recently, the positioning of astronomy in culture and society has become an important topic, with serious discussions of the reevaluation of indigenous astronomy and its teaching to the younger generation [Holbrook et al. 2009; Ruggles 2011]. The author argues that the anthropologists interested in astronomy should not restrict their role to recording past and endangered customs, but instead should participate actively in revitalizing indigenous astronomy as a form of practical knowledge (e.g., the education of modern star navigation in the context of the Oceanic canoe renaissance). In that sense, astronomical anthropology will be able to contribute to reconstructing "neo-science," meaning the refraining of indigenous knowledge as another system of science. Its reutilization should be directed not only toward the construction of symbols of cultural revival activities, but also such practical educational purposes as weather and seasonal reckoning.

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