In this age of Empire, how does biopower-an amalgam of "power over life" of the subjects and the "right of death" (the right to eliminate threats) as defined by Foucault-construct security and constitute itself as it interacts with the multitude- This paper explores that question through a historical and ethnographic analysis of a university police department in the United States-the University of Kentucky Police Department (UKPD) . Utilizing dramaturgy as a method-cum-perspective, I aim to analyze the ways in which reality (here, security as an expression of biopower) has been performatively constituted in the triad of the UKPD, the criminals/suspects, and the campus community (a form of the multitude) through various historical and ethnographic events. Toward that end, after explaining the theoretical framework, scope, and object of my study (Chapter I), I historically look at an intractable contradiction confronted by the university police department-that is, the contradiction in which they make people uncomfortable by their presence, while making people angry by their absence when they are needed (Chapter II). Specifically, I situate that contradiction within a context where the campus police departments, including the UKPD, were created and developed across the United States in response to the student movements from the 1960s to the early 1970s in general, and the Kent State shootings in 1970 in particular. Indeed, the UKPD was established in 1972 to restore and maintain the order that had been disrupted by student movements; for that reason, the presence of the UKPD would make the campus community forever uncomfortable. And yet, the University of Kentucky campus also began experiencing serious crimes after that period; therefore, their absence would also make the campus community angry. Chapter II also examines the process whereby the UKPD constituted itself as "biopower" from the mid-1980s to the 1990s in its attempt to resolve that contradiction. On the one hand, in order to cope with situations where its absence would make the campus community angry, the UKPD improved its equipment during that period and began actively exercising its right to eliminate (and kill, if necessary) those who represented a kind of sociological danger to the campus community. On the hand, in order to prevent situations where its presence would make the campus community uncomfortable, the UKPD also began exercising power over the life of the multitude by making itself present to the campus community through the practice of community policing. As such, in the triad of the police, the criminals/suspects, and the multitude, the UKPD integrated two subjectivities-one being the exercise of power over life by making itself seen in the campus, and the other being the exercise of the right to eliminate/kill by surveying the campus-so as to constitute itself as a biopower. Chapter II also details the role that the 9.11 attacks in 2001 and the Virginia Tech shootings in 2007 played in reinforcing the biopower of the UKPD, whereby the bodies and consciousness of the multitude have become constituted, at the level of everyday life, as the basic target of the activities of the UKPD, the scope of which has become rapidly globalized. The question becomes thus: in that process, has the multitude become simply a passive victim of Empire, as scholars of security studies have often claimed- In order to answer that question, Chapter III ethnographically examines four cases in which I was involved as an intern of the UKPD: (1) a case of trespassing where the officers investigated a black male, with a reasonable suspicion that he might carry a weapon; (2) a session of the women's self-defense program; (3) a car chase during the Thanksgiving break; and (4) the security detail implemented around the university community after the NCAA basketball final game. The first two cases

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This paper explores physical examinations in clinical settings in Japan. A physical examination is an investigation of the body to determine a person's state of health using any or all of the techniques of inspection, palpation, percussion, auscultation and smell. Today, physical examinations tend to be performed less frequently because of advances in diagnostic test technology. Those tests, including blood tests and diagnostic imaging, are thought to provide easily gathered 'objective' information in contrast to the more labor-intensive 'subjective' information gleaned from physical examinations. Some physicians, however, still highly value physical examinations, believing they provide an effective, inexpensive and minimally-invasive method for collecting medical diagnostic information. Furthermore, many physicians believe physical examinations provide opportunities for doctors and patients to communicate with one another, thus reducing patient anxiety and sometimes producing a 'healing' effect. Some work has been conducted on physical examinations and doctor-patient relationships. That work includes physicians' anecdotal descriptions based on clinical experience, historical and anthropological studies focusing on the negative aspects of physical examinations, and conversational analysis of the organization of interaction between doctors and patients from a sociological perspective. Taking the contemporary social context into consideration, this paper goes beyond a one-sided focus on negative aspects and the microscopic conversational analysis to explore how physicians and patients experience physical examinations in the context of test-dependent clinical settings. Fieldwork was conducted in clinical settings in family medicine at a community-based hospital in Tokyo and a clinic in Okayama, and in general medicine at a university hospital in Nagoya. Family medicine and general medicine in Japan overlap in the division of primary care, which provides comprehensive health care for people of all ages suffering from diseases and ailments, including those caused by psycho-social problems, and which may not be treated by specialists. Primary-care physicians tend to consider basic clinical skills- including taking medical histories and doing physical examinations-more important than do physicians in other divisions. Today, influenced partly by mass-media discourse, an increasing number of people in Japan are concerned about their health and seek diagnostic tests, including diagnostic imaging (CT scans, MRI, etc.) . That dependency on tests is related to the visually-centered tendency of modern Western society as revealed by the anthropology of the senses. Even if no problem is found in one test, however, an endless possibility of risk may remain, and so a patient's anxiety may not necessarily disappear. As most diagnostic tests are invasive and expensive, it is necessary to sufficiently take patient histories and conduct physical examinations beforehand so as to limit the number of tests administrated. Moreover, physical examinations further assuage patient anxiety. While a dependency on tests has marginalized the use of physical examinations to some extent, many doctors have shared their experiences of complaints made by patients when doctors have omitted physical examinations, as they gathered enough information for a diagnosis from the interview. Although some patients only want a prescription or a quick consultation, quite a few, especially the elderly, have said that they would like to be examined physically by physicians, even though their health issues have been diagnosed by other tests. Two characteristics of physical examinations are key to the patient's expectations for the experience: its ritualistic nature, and the presence of physical contact between patient and doctor during the examination. Physical examinations

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One pressing issue in the anthropology of art today is to overcome 'representationalism,' Representionalism here means a standpoint that seeks to inquire into questions about art by reducing them to questions about the representation of any world or reality. Whether relativism or constructivism, much of our theorizing on art has shared that standpoint. However, representationalism ultimately leads to excluding the origin of art from the world in which we live, because that standpoint is actually enabled by the premise of the dichotomy between the external-objective world (the physical, body, nature, etc.) and the internal-subjective world (the mental, mind, culture, etc.) . That standpoint is based on the traditional idea of so-called 'cognitivism,' which reduces human cognition to the operation of mental representations in our brain, so as such, the origin of art is often shut away in the 'inner world' of artist, completely mystifying the practice. For example, one genre of modern art is called 'Art Brut.' But it is a typical case of the mystification of art in a sense that its notion is defined by the peripheral condition in the sociocultural world in which its makers (include psychiatric patients, prisoner, or the mentally-disabled persons) are situated, and their absolute 'solitude, silence, and secret.' The ecological approach created by J. J. Gibson, an American perceptual psychologist, suggests one way out of the problem of representationalism and dichotomy. His perspective, which stresses in principle the reciprocity between humans and the environment, closely parallels M. Merleau-Ponty's phenomenological thought on body and his unique theory of painting. Merleau-Ponty says that every use of the human body is already 'a primordial expression,' and that the painter's work is to prolong that expressive operation of the body and amplify it into painting. 'It is by lending his body to the world that the artist changes the world into painting.' According to Merleau-Ponty, painting/art is not the representation of the world but the crystallization of the painter's/artist's style of dwelling in the world. Another crucial implication of Gibson's approach is pragmatic ontology. Unlike substantial ontology, pragmatic ontology associates reality not with substantial essence but with relational action. As Gibson says about his theory of affordance, 'the object offers what it does because it is what it is.' By the way, Gibson's view shares basic ideas with the anthropological theory of art of A. Gell, since he also seeks to consider the efficacy of the art object in the relational field of actions in which objects are situated. According to Gell, the art object is not a vehicle of meaning, such as a sign or symbol in semiologic or interpretative theories of art, but an index in which the artist's intentionality and agency are inscribed. It causes its viewers to act through the process of abduction, and by doing so it creates a social relation around itself, which in turn provides a channel for further social relations and influences. Based on the above discussions, this paper examines painting activities in two art schools for people with mental disabilities in Denmark. Those schools are a part of the network of activity and employment offers for the mentally handicapped that has been established in each community since the 1990's. But their distinctive feature is their management by the framework and ideas of adult learning (leisure), known as folkeoplysning, which developed in Denmark in the 19^<th> century. Some of the students in the art school participate for just one year, while some move into and out of the school every a few years. Still others have continued to participate for many years as 'artists.' First, it should be noted that

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This article focuses on the diversity of meaning of human rights and their applications in an unequal society during conflicts and the peace-building process. After the Cold War ended, accountabilities of human rights and democracy have come to be more greatly required for each nation-state in the international society. Concepts of both human rights and democracy were elaborated in Western countries and applied extensively beyond the Western world after the Second World War. Therefore, in terms of the progress of globalization, the issue of the universality of the concept of human rights has become a matter of discussion, in that it relates to cultural and historical diversity and local contexts. Most studies on this theme have analyzed how the international human rights regime influences a domestic political process and courts and their interactions. However, nation-states are inherently unequal, not only politically and economically, but also racially, ethnically, and culturally. Anthropology, which uses micro-level analysis based on face-to-face fieldwork, can contribute effectively to that phase, examining aspects that have been overlooked by macro-level peace-building studies. It also makes it possible to explain why conflict has recurred on a long-term basis after the peace-building was conducted. Considering that, I analyzed the manners of conjunction between the international human rights regime and a nation that contains cultural and racial diversities and inequality. I examined Peruvian conflicts and a peace-building process in which a truth commission had been organized as a part of transitional justice, focusing on those relationships with indigenous people. The Peruvian internal armed conflict began in 1980 with a revolt of the Peruvian Communist Party-Shining Path (PCP-SL) . According to the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Peru, which was presented in 2003, almost 70,000 people were killed or disappeared from 1980 to 2000. Remarkably, 75% of the dead or missing people were speakers of indigenous languages. That internal armed conflict was thus closely related to racial and ethnic inequality. First, I outlined the Peruvian internal armed conflict and violence, focusing on its relation to the indigenous people. Second, I analyzed the incident of Uchuraccay to examine relationships among indigenous people and civil society and international society to clarify the nature of the conflicts. Third, I examined the relationships between the TRC and the indigenous people to discuss the peace-building process in an unequal society. The PCP-SL began their armed rebellion in rural areas of Ayacucho, one of the poorest Andean highland prefectures in Peru, following Mao's strategy of "the rural areas will surround urban areas." However, that imported strategy confronted the vernacular uniqueness of Peruvian society, where indigenous people are regarded as "peasants." Meanwhile, the bulk of the PCP-SL was urban mestizo (mixed). Uchuraccay is an Andean indigenous village of Ayacucho where, in 1983, eight journalists were murdered. Suspecting the national agency to be responsible for the murders, a civil movement emerged in the capital Lima in collaboration with transnational advocacy networks. But the village had been extinguished as a result of the attacks by the PCP-SL and the 'mopping-up' operations of the national army, while civil movements expanded in Lima in response to the deaths of the journalists. Furthermore, when massive massacres in the rural areas of the Andean highland forced people to evacuate, they were simply recognized as "migrants" or discriminated against as "terrorists" at that time, despite the fact that they were internally displaced persons (IDP) . The situation of the Andean highlands was ignored by the people of the capital. The TRC was organized after the end of

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Studies on Korean families have discussed the role of Korean women caring for their families from the viewpoints of the patrilineal system, patriarchy and Confucian culture. They have looked at situations in which Korean women must care for their families in an environment of male supremacy situations, and stress the importance of the extended 'sidaek' family (i.e., the husband's parents, siblings and relatives). However, in situations where women become ill-although they once cared for their family, they now need caring themselves-or can or will not answer to the family's demands, the family members must change and reconstruct their respective roles of caring. In my research, I have clarified how women and their families in Korea reconstruct their caring by taking care of each other, as the women, who had been expected to care of their own families, face illness themselves. Women's breasts are symbols of sexuality and motherhood. In Korea, the breast is not only viewed as attractive and full of feelings, but also as the repository for negative feelings. In that country, too, there is a disease called 'hwa-byung,' which is a culture-bound syndrome caused by such accumulated negative feelings as anger or dissatisfaction. Korean people think that diseases, not just 'hwa-byung,' are caused by the accumulation of negative feelings in the body. Connecting those factors, they believe that the cause of breast cancer is an accumulation of negative feelings related to their families. Married female breast cancer patients in Korea, in particular, tend to connect the cause of their illness with the self-sacrifice caused by pressure from their husband or the extended 'sidaek' family. They recognize that the burden of caring they had borne was caused by self-sacrifice, and view it is as related to the cause of their illness. Therefore, they start to place more priority on their own desires, and come to value their own importance in family life, so as to cure their illness or prevent a relapse of the cancer. The women attempt to cure their disease through the act of 'hanpuli' (dispelling), namely, by expressing their feelings or doing acts of self-improvement that could not be carried out while they were busy caring for their families. They begin to involve their families in their 'hanpuli,' which in turn changes the nature of care in the family. The patients deal with their husbands and extended 'sidaek' family members in different ways. While their husbands must strive to help out with household chores and show more understanding, the patients avoid contact with their extended 'sidaek' family so as to reduce their stress. That may lead us to think that the women perhaps do not view their 'sidaek' relatives as part of the family. Such observations differ from the conclusions of past studies on Korean families, which have emphasized the importance of the extended 'sidaek' family. The family is reconstructed in such a way that positive support is given to each member of the family.

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