Determinants of internal migration can be classified into the factors associated with places of origin and destination, those intervening between the place of origin and the place of destination, and those relevant to a migrant himself, or personal factors. Among those factors affecting internal migration the last factor is the most decisive one for an individual movement or change of residence, although it is difficult to be evaluated quantitatively as including psychological factor. In this paper the determinants of various flows of internal migration in Japan are disclosed being based upon the data derived from the Survey on Reasons for Migration, conducted by the Land Agency, covering the all migrants aged 15 years and over between shi, ku, machi and mura, or minor administrative areas in Japan, for July 1980 to June 1981, on the sampling enumeration. According to the analysis of the data, it was found that the most important reason for overall flows of migration for the whole country was "employment", but it covered 39 percent only of the all migrants. Other most significant reasons for migration were those relevant to non-economic factor such as "family's reasons", "marriage", "housing", and "schooling", etc. Also, it was recognized that the personal factors as determinants of migration, measured by the reasons for migration, varied among the migratory flows. For the flows within a major metropolitan area the reason of "housing" was the most important factor. On the other hand, for the flows between major metropolitan areas and for those between a major metropolitan area and non-metropolitan areas, "employment" reason was most influential. For other flows including return migration, "employment" and "family's" were most significant. Further, the analysis by sex and age disclosed that the personal factor as determinants of migration was associated with the stages in life cycle of the individual.

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It is widely believed that, since 1970, the flow of population had been beginning to show signs of transformation from concentration in big cities to accumulation in the local cities or of the population redistribution, due to the increase of the number of return migrants from the metropolitan areas. However, the careful analysis on the population changes of the local urban areas and of the metropolitan areas since 1960 reveal that the basic flow of population had not transfered to the accumulation in the local cities and that it have been going on the accumulation in big cities and in local cities through all years since 1960. This fact is supported by the results obtained from the analysis on the estimated number of netmigration by age for the prefectures other than in metropolitan areas. The main findings of the analysis are (1) among prefectures other than in metropolitan areas, some prefectures, in which the major local cities locate, have a lower net-out-migration rate in ages between 15 and 25 and a higher rate of net-in-migration in ages between 25 and 39 than the remaining prefectures, and (2) the loss of population brought about by the out-migration in the prefectures other than in metropolitan areas have not been able to fill up by the inmigration.

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During the 1970's, new patterns of nonmetropolitan population growth have appeared in the United States. Since 1970, metropolitan to nonmetropolitan migration has substantialy exceeded the historically greater stream of migration from nonmetropolitan to metropolitan areas. In many parts of nonmetropolitan areas, the 1970's have been a decade of sudden population growth in small, once stable communities. Some population gains in nonmetropolitan areas have been due to the familiar metropolitan overspill into adjacent areas, but others are the product of resurgence of growth in remote rural areas. Changes in American life style make up the important factor of this new pattern. They include the trend toward earlier retirement, and expansion of retiree's roles as consumers, and an increased orientation at all ages toward leisure activities, centered on amenity rich areas outside the range of metropolitan commuting. In 1960's, the South experienced substantial inmigration, which increased in the 1970's. The changeover to net in-migration in the South was brought about largely as a result of changes in migration patterns of whites. Black net out-migration from the South appears to be changing in much the same way as white migration did earlier. The return migration to the South has been an important factor in changing the South's overall migration pattern. From the recent trends in Southern economic development and decreasing racial discrimination in the labor market, we can expect the expansion of return migration to the South.

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The current Southeast Asian population distribution is a recent phenomenon. Mass migration involving Chinese and Indians as well as the Indigenes particularly since the nineteenth century, significantly contributed to the formation of the present situation, and it is to this period that the term 'traditional' should be applied. Though Chinese and Indian migration has decreased since the attainment of independence and the evolution of nationalism in Southeast Asia, movements of indigenous peoples still play an important role in Southeast Asian societies. The identity or ethnic belongingness of each population group should be noted in descriptions of migration behavior in Southeast Asia. No universal, total population which may be grasped only through age and sex structure or educational background existed; the total population was just an aggregation of ethnic groups. The characteristics of the peoples' movement in the above mentioned situation are discussed in this article under the following headings: (1) Movement toward frontiers, (2) The creation of derivative or branch villages, (3) Long distance migration, (4) Ethnic segmentation of migrants, (5) Circular migration, (6) Migrants' age and sex composition.

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Since the middle of the 1970's, the major part of reproductive populatoin has been the generation born during the period of rapid fertility decline after the War. Author examined microscopically this trend through the observation of the effects of sibling number on marriage, birth etc., using survey data of 2,034 couples with at least one child younger than 6.25 years old. The main findings are as follows. (1) The effect of sibling number on school career has been robust and negative for both husband and wife and been strengthened for newer cohorts. (2) Residential relation which expresses whether a couple lives with or near their parents is negatively and strongly affected by the number of siblings. The number of siblings of spouse reversely affects it. (3) As for age at marriage, the indirect effects of sibling number is stronger through school career and co-residence with parents than direct effects. Nevertheless if wife is only child, which is assumed to be unadvantageous by the necessity to co-reside with her parents, wife's age at marriage is higher. But this effect has been being attenuated. Co-residence with parents or parent-in-laws has a positive effect on age at marriage for both husband and wife. Psychological cost accompanied by co-residence with parents may raise age at marriage. (4) School career of husband has positive effect on fertility. Indirect effect of sibling number through this can be inferred as negative. Effects through age at marriage are negative for wife and positive for husband. Direct effect of husband's sibling number on fertility is small but positive. These effects of sibling number allow us to speculate that the decrease in number of siblings has been one of the factors affecting the expansion in educational enrollment rate and also one of factors raising age at marriage through school career and co-residence with parents. The decrease in number of siblings is to continue for around 1965 birth cohort. Therefore changes in demographic behavior through the change of sibling number will last until the beginning of the 1990's.

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In order to clarify the problems of rising and persistently high unemployment rate in the recent Japanese economy, the paper attempted to examine th regional dimension of unemployment. At the beginning of the paper, this authors presented a brief review of the long-run movement of regional unemployment rates covering the just thirty years. It is clear that the differentials of unemployment rates between regions were smaller compared to the differentials in 1965 or 1970. On the other hand, the paper tried to define the structural determinants of regional unemployment rate, based on the following model, u=a_0+a_1A+a_2S+a_3V where u is unemployment rate of a region, A is the age-structure of labour force, S is the variable representing industrial structure, and V is an index of balance between supply of and demand for labour. Although the directly estimated results of the above model seem to confirm some important effects of age-structure of labour force on regional unemployment rate, they were not completely convincing and satisfactory. To extract the age-structure effect on regional unemployment independently, standardised unemployment rates were calculated and then compared with actual unemployment rates by region. The result shows the clear but minor impact of age-structure upon regional unemployment rates. When the standardised rates of unemployment were regressed on the variables concerning the industrial structure and labour market condition, these variables could explain about 65 per cent and 83 per cent of the regional variation of unemployment rates for males and for females respectively. One of the most interesting findings is the pronounced effect of industrial structure on regional unemployment rates, in term of the ratio of occupants engaged in tertiary industry to those in secondary industry.

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From about the springtime of 1980 in Japan the problem about the sudden increase of deaths of middle aged persons born in the period from 1927 (Showa 2) to 1934 (Showa 9) has been much talked in some parts of society. With the object of clarifying the propriety of this problem the present writers and the joint researcher selected "Vital Statistics" as the data of this study. Using these data each cohort group by sex who became 35 years of age in the following 3 terms such as agreeing with the object of the study was set up. (1) We historically intended to compare the trends of cohort deaths of middle aged persons by sex born in the period from 1927 to 1934 with those of cohort deaths of another cohort groups. (1): 1899-1908, (2): 1920-1951, (3): 1962-1967 (2) At the same time we tried to find out restrictions et cetra on making use of statistics by comparison between the trend of the above mentioned cohort deaths and that of period deaths by each year in the same terms. In consequence, referring to (1) the range of age which shows the similar ascending tendency as the trend of dx-curves is wider in males than in females. In case of being observed these ascending phenomena in quality, however, it couldn't be recognized that deaths of middle aged persons born in the period from 1927 to 1934 are increasing more than that of other annual cohort groups. Respecting to (2) it became clear that a prudent attitude should be needed, especially within a definite range of age, in using the way of thinking of Period Life Table.

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