Der Zyklus ist „eine Gruppe von in sich geschlossenen Gebilden (Werken oder Sätzen), die formal und/oder inhaltlich so aufeinander bezogen sind“ (Finscher 1998). Franz Liszt (1811-1886) schuf eine stattliche Anzahl Klavierzyklen wie etwa Annéees de Pèlerinage oder Harmonies poétiques et religieuses, wie gut bekannt ist. Aber bisher ist nicht diskutiert worden, ob es einen großen „Orchesterzyklus“ in Liszts Schöpfungen gibt oder nicht. Die folgende Betrachtung setzt sich mit seinen von Liszt selbst als „Zyklus“ erwähnten zwölf Symphonischen Dichtungen der Weimarer Periode auseinander, und untersucht nach welchen Kriterien diese verschiedenen selbständigen Werke den Namen Zyklus verdienen. Vor den Symphonischen Dichtungen publizierte Liszt die Klavierzyklen Années de Pèlerinage, Première année: Suisse und Deuxième année: Italie. Da es einmal geplant war, sie als „eine Suite“ zu veröffentlichen, basieren sie auf den gleichen Kriterien, die Ordnung der Stücke nach Tonarten und poetischen Materialien. Ein ähnliches Verfahren wird auch in den Symphonischen Dichtungen angewendet. Trotz verschiedener Gebiete von Orchester- und Klaviermusik nehmen die Symphonischen Dichtungen das grundlegendes Mittel für eine Zyklusbildung von Années de Pèlerinage über. Das ist die Ordnung der Stücke nach poetischen Materialien und die tonartliche Verknüpfungen. Obwohl die zwölf Stücke im Detail sowohl extern als auch intern sehr mannigfaltig sind, bilden diese unter dem Kollectiv-Titel Symphonische Dichtungen eine starke Einheit und weisen, als Ergebnis gutgeplanter Reihenfolge, enge Verbindungen zueinander auf. Daher verdienen sie ebenso wie Années de Pèlerinage, als Zyklus bezeichnet zu werden. Liszts Symphonische Dichtungen zeigen, dass ein Zyklus nicht nur in den Bereichen des Liedes, Klavier oder der Kammermusik gebildet werden kann, sondern auch in großen Orchesterwerken. Wie Liszt sie als „Zyklus“ bezeichnete, sind sie nicht nur eine Sammlung aus zwölf verschiedenen Werke, sondern bilden ein einheitliches monumentales zwölfbändiges Werk der Symphonischen Dichtungen als Ganzes.

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This paper examines the relationship between Alexander Scriabin's musical language and his philosophy by focusing on his late piano sonatas (Nos.6-10). In his Memoirs of Scriabin, Leonid Sabaneev quotes Scriabin, showing that this composer wrote sonatas of contrasting character: sacred or satanic. In light of this source and the theosophical creed to which Scriabin was devoted, the sonatas were analyzed by taking into account similarities found in them and his orchestral work Prometheus. As a result of the analysis, these sonatas can be divided into two groups according to their philosophical content. Nos.7, 8 and 10 form one group, and Nos.6 and 9 form the other. Sonatas Nos.7 (the "White Mass"), 8 and 10 share common techniques also seen in the Prometheus. In them, Scriabin imbues themes, motifs and harmonies with symbolic meaning, and, using suitable musical materials for the content of each scene, he expresses his theosophical cosmic view that "everything comes from, and returns to, the one being." In Nos. 6 and 9, however, harmonic progressions contrast sharply with those heard in Nos.7 and 8, and they reflect different content from the other three sonatas. Particularly in No.9 (the "Black Mass"), the analysis shows the content to be blasphemous: the sacred (the second theme) is desecrated by an evil spell (the first theme). While composing these sonatas, Scriabin was also mulling over his unfinished Mysterium. The writings of his brother-in-law, Boris de Schloezer, indicate that this ultimate work was to concern itself with the theosophical evolution of the universe. This is also the theme of sonatas Nos.7, 8 and 10, and the other two sonatas also have much in common with one scene of the work. Thus the significance of all five sonatas in the preparation for the Mysterium comes to light.

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Songbooks with many Western songs represent a substantial proportion of the scores published in Japan during the Meiji Era (1868-1912). As most scores published in the early Meiji years do not identify composers, the sporadic research done to date on identifying the original versions of the foreign songs has made little progress. The few existing studies of the channels through which the foreign songs were imported into Japan have failed to shed light on the process as a whole. This paper confirms that European and American songbooks purchased by the Ministry of Education and currently held by the National Diet Library were important sources in the compilation of the Meiji songbooks. Statistical analysis reveals that 30% of the Western melodies in the songbooks can be traced to scores purchased by the Ministry of Education. While scores purchased in the early Meiji years were mainly published in the United States of America, those purchased in mid-Meiji were mainly from German-speaking countries. As well as reflecting the shift of Japan's educational model from the USA to Germany during this period, this resulted in the inclusion of a great number of songs with German origins in the songbooks, since the American scores already included many German songs, some with texts in Ch. H. Hohmann's English translations. Of further interest is the fact that the scores purchased by the Ministry of Education include many hymns. The evidence presented by these scores is vital to our understanding of the reception of Western music in Meiji-era Japan.

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The manuscripts of the Notre-Dame repertory have blocks of two-part organa, which are considered to have three rhythmic patterns: (specific) organum, which consists of a sustained tenor part and an organal voice in free rhythm; copula, which has a sustained tenor part and an organal voice in modal rhythm; and discantus, whose tenor and organal voice are both in modal rhythm. These definitions were established by Fritz Reckow's 1967 interpretation of Johannes de Garlandia's statements, which had been considered problematic: "there are three species of organum: discantus, copula, and (specific) organum"; "copula is that which is between discantus and organum"; and "copula is that which is produced by proper measure equivalent to a tenor which maintains the same sound." Reckow explained: "copula is between discantus and (specific) organum; therefore when discantus has modusrectus style in both parts and (specific) organum has modus-non-rectus part over sustained-note tenor, copula must have modus-rectus part over sustained-note tenor" and this has been widely accepted. However, it is difficult to determine whether the organal voice is written in free rhythm or modal rhythm, although whether the tenor of the specific portion is written with sustained tones or in modal rhythm can be immediately recognized. In short, it is impossible to distinguish a (specific) organum portion from a copula portion. Observations reveal that the explanation of copula given by treatises coeval with Garlandia holds as its central characteristic "between discantus and organum" rather than "sustained-note tenor and modal-rhythm organal voice." Some other characteristics that the treatises share regarding copula include: "keeping some kind of 'correct sequence'" and "related to closing of a phrase." As a result of comparative examinations of the music mentioned in relation to copula, this paper proposes a revised definition that the copula is a repeated sequence, the function of which is to connect (specific) organum and discantus.

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The contribution of Marquis Pio Enea degli Obizzi (1592-1674) to the early history of opera was noted first by the 17th-century chronicler Cristoforo Ivanovich. He indicated in his (in) famous Le memorie teatrali di Venezia (first published in 1681) that L'Ermiona, an 'opera torneo' (opera tournament) performed in Padua in 1636, for which the Marquis contributed to the libretto, had been nothing less than the direct impetus for the inauguration of the first-ever commercial opera house in Venice in the following year. This paper will first introduce Obizzi, whose activities have been under-investigated in previous scholarship. Then, it will explore the opera tournaments with which the Marquis was involved during the 1630s and 40s. The paper will argue that this genre did indeed (as Ivanovich implies) directly influence the formation of commercial opera in Venice. Moreover, drawing on little-known sources, Obizzi's vital role - as a plot deviser - in those productions will be indicated and the significant implications concerning this function in our notion of 'authorship' in the early operatic production will be explored. Finally, it will be proposed that a detailed analysis of Obizzi's works not only enables us to trace the crucial transition which opera of that time took - from court to commercial enterprise - but also suggests new perspectives in relation to our understanding of early opera industry as a whole.

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