This is a review paper on resettled village planning in the Vietnam's Central Highlands caused by large dam construction. Depend on literature survey and field survey, author concluded the centralized resettlement method made by World Bank is a dangerous way without thought on people's real situation and their priority. For farmers (include shifting cultivators), the most important thing is farmland for agricultural production. Housing is not top priority but when building house for people, planners must consider on people's own lifestyle. Good governance will be achieved by information sharing and discussion between all stakeholders.

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政府開発援助（ODA）においては、特定地域社会が広く裨益する「社会的」プログラムを対象とすることが多い。そしてその多くはミッションが開始時点では具体的でなくかつ多くのステークホルダーが関係する。本論文は、かかる複雑な社会的プログラムによる望ましい価値実現のために、必要なマネジメントの枠組みと具体的留意点を明らかにすることを目的とする。そのためにベトナムにおける農業開発と、開始より 20 年以上の実績があるカンボジアの上水道開発を採り上げ、問題構造、価値創造のプロセス、望ましいプロファイリングと統合マネジメントについて検討をおこなった。その結果、かかるプログラムでは問題が複数の次元にわたるシステム群の組み合わせとなっており、価値創造のためには多くの取り組みを統合しながら実施し、各プロジェクトの外部条件の内部化を進めることが重要であることを示した。

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政府開発援助（ODA）では、特定地域社会が広く裨益する「社会的プログラム」を対象とすることが多い。社会的プログラムはミッションが開始時点では具体的でなく、かつ多数のステークホルダーが関係する複雑な構造を持つ。本論文は、ベトナムにおける農業開発とカンボジアの上水道開発の事例を検討し、プログラムが対象とする問題群の構造、価値創出のためのプロセス、望ましいプロファイリングと統合マネジメントのあり方の具体的留意点を抽出した。更にその結果をP2M理論により考察し、望ましい価値創出のための全体マネジメントの枠組みの提案及び、プロジェクト群のプロファイリング及び統合マネジメントのあり方の提案をおこなった。更にステークホルダーマネジメントに関する留意点の検討と、当事者に対する外部介入の望ましい役割を検討した。

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The traditional community house named “Guol” is a unique architecture of Cotu minorities living upland area of central Vietnam. Two community houses in Nam Dong district, Thua Thien Hue province show the typical “Guol” and are surveyed for case studies of indigenous building technology. The building technology can be understood as their conventional design methodology and construction technique. The field research was conducted by interview and measurement to obtain the information relating to structural form, building materials and construction process. Meanwhile, the information of design methodology is collected in terms of body measuring system and its application to the buildings.

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The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a country in transition from state-run economy to market economy under the control of the Vietnamese Communist Party. After 2008, large-scale projects of bauxite mining and alumina production have been started in the south-central highland of this country, namely Tan Rai in Lam Dong province and Nhan Co in Dak Nong province.
The projects have been initiated by Vietnamese national enterprise, namely TKV (VINACOMIN) in cooperation with a Chinese aluminum company. However, these projects were contrived between the Vietnamese Communist Party and the Chinese Communist Party without discussion in the Vietnamese National Assembly. Vietnamese intellectuals took public issue with the government and pointed out the inadequate preparations of the projects.
In order to learn about the reality of the project sites, and the circumstances of local farming villages in particular, the author has made field researches in the bauxite-mining sites in Nhan Co and Tan Rai in 2012 and 2014. Outcomes of the researches indicated a lack of transparency and accountability of the local governments and the enterprises. The villagers cultivating coffee, tea, nuts or pepper were very little informed about land expropriation or possible environmental influence, while they had been affected by environmental problems such as noise, air and water pollution by bauxite factories as well as by traffic hazards caused by alumina transportation and road repairing coinciding with the projects.
It must be said that good governance with participation of the government, enterprises, specialists and local people including ethnic minorities is necessary for Vietnamese large-scale industrial development. However, government and business authorities are very reluctant to have risk communication with local people as well as discussions with critical intellectuals. In addition, communication networks between urban intellectuals and local villagers about environmental risks are very poor.
This paper points out outstanding risks caused by the bauxite exploitation to consider the possibility of risk management proper for Vietnam as a transitional economy.

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「米酒」醸造地帯の「米酒」と米関係食品の製法, 特徴, 背景などについて, 東南アジア全域に渡り長期調査された筆者に, 前回に引き続き甘酒, 梗米酒, 糟米酒, 籾殻吸管酒, 焼酎について解説していただい。「米酒」の製造に黒米や赤米を使ったり, 米を焦がす方法や, 米とともに雑穀やキャッサバを使用するといった工夫がみられて面白い.
又吸管の籾殻壼酒は親睦だけでなく, 儀礼的にも重要な位置を占めており, 飲酒文化面からも興味深い。

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Under Doi Moi (renovation) policies, the Tay-Nung minority people have migrated from their home region in the Northeastern mountains to the Central Highlands, and their migration has resulted in forest destruction and conflicts with other native minorities. The primary cause of their migration was lack of agricultural land, but there were many other factors: First, after the Chinese-Vietnamese War in 1979, many could no longer cultivate land because of mines. Also after that war, they got back their “ancestral” lands and stopped doing collaborative work for collectives. As a result, some households ended up having no or little land. Third, during Vietnam’s war with the United States, they became familiar with the Central Highland areas where many fought as soldiers. Fourth, they have home-region networks in the Central Highlands because some relatives had moved there after the Geneva Agreement of 1954. Their experiences during the war with China made them keenly conscious of the Chinese border; as a result, they did not try to utilize their ethnic network inside China for migration. Compared with other ethnic minorities, who easily move beyond the border, the Tay-Nung people have become part of the nation, and migration is one of their strategies for becoming affluent within the nationstate of Vietnam.

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As a county in transiton to the market economy, Vietnam seems to keep political stability under the communist party government. However, criticism of the party monopoly has been activated by citizens, mostly by intellectuals of urban middle class that have developed for the last few decades under the market economy.
This article examins Vietnamese citizens' objections concerning with territorial disputes with China and large-scale projects of bauxite mining and alumina production in the south-central highland initiated by a Chinese company to consider the development of civil society in this country.
From the beginnig of 21 century Vietnamese citizens have formed a lot of organizations such as political parties, non-governmental organizations and unions of industrial workers or farmers independent of the communist government in order to achieve their civil and political rights. Though the government corresponded to the dissidents taking various measures as well as arresting, incrimination and imprisonment, citizens' critical campaigns upsurged over the two issues above.
At the beginning the campaigns were based on emotional anti-China nationalism. However they developed thereafter into the question of transparency and accountability in the policy making of their own government. After the problems concerned with bauxite mining projects were revealed, Vietnamese citizens started to pay attention to the environmental governance with civil participation. Consequently, their activities had a certain influence on the process of policy making and legislation under the one-party regime.

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