This article aims to explore anthropological films that mediate and promote communication with various actors in the course of film production and presentation. To accomplish that, this article uses my films, which focus on occupational musicians and children living on the streets of Ethiopia. The representation of others in anthropology is the result of encounters between researchers and their subjects; ethnographic films are products that capture the very moment of that interaction. Consequently, the film itself, in a fundamental sense, can be considered evidence of communication between researchers and their subjects. In this paper, I clarify the development of my own filmmaking style and my position in my films by referencing two of them that I made about occupational musicians, Lalibalocc and Azmari, as well as about children living on the streets of Gondar in Northern Ethiopia. Lalibalocc are groups of strolling singers who sing, beg, and give blessings in exchange for alms every morning in front of the door of people's residences. Their performances are characterized by rich interaction and communication with the audience. My film first attempted to describe in detail the interaction between a Lalibalocc couple visiting Gondar and the local people. However, the singers, as well as the people watching Lalibalocc performances, reacted as I followed the performers with my camera, unintentionally turning my film into a triangle of interaction featuring the singers, the audience, and myself. This experience made me think long and hard about reflexivity in the context of anthropological films. Azmari, meanwhile, are occupational singers who perform flexibly in various social settings using a one-string fiddle called the masenqo. In my film on Azmari children, we started communicating with each other using argot and Amharic. During filmmaking, I set up some conceptual keys to describe their daily lives. Those included the economic survival strategy of their musical activities and territorial disputes with adult Azmari. I started developing and exploring a style that foregrounded my presence, and I interacted more with the protagonists in my film. The film, called Room 11, Ethiopia Hotel, focused on the interaction between me and children living on the streets of Gondar, and further developed my method of filmmaking. Based on my case studies, this paper also explores the constructive dialogue between an anthropologist/filmmaker and the audience in anthropological films. The dominant discourse in the study of visual anthropology has paid insufficient attention to the viewer's role in the construction of meanings and evaluation of ethnographic inquiry by anthropologists/filmmakers. This paper examines how viewers from different cultural and screening contexts interpret and respond to my works on musicians and children in Ethiopia. I consider cases from feedback screenings given for the protagonists of my films at an academic film festival in Europe and at screening seminars among Ethiopian immigrants in North America, as well as from blog discussions. My films brought me into the arena of discussion on the representation of "the culture of Ethiopia" with Ethiopian immigrants in the United States. Ethiopians have established ethnic enclaves in various places around that country, particularly in the D.C. metropolitan area. My films have been screened in different venues in the United States, with the screenings mostly organized by immigrants from northern Ethiopia. In particular, the discussion (both in the screening room and in debates on blogs) was rather enthusiastic after my films were shown at a seminar in northwestern D.C., known as the home to a large number of Ethiopians. Arguments on how "Ethiopian culture should be presented" frequently crop up whenever my films are viewed, particularly when they are viewed by Ethiopian immigrants based in

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This article recounts how my own anthropological film, Cuba Sentimental (2010), was generated through a number of encounters and interactions among various actors. The film concerns a group of Cuban friends who left their country and traveled to various parts of the world. Its theoretical background is related to my formative years as an anthropologist in Japan, when the profound effect of "Writing Culture" shock was felt throughout the discipline. Rather than discussing what an ethnographic film is in terms of the subjects and methods of filming, I argue that films and images should be regarded as "anthropological" when they are made with the intention of creating an understanding of others and self-reflexivity, and they have that effect on those who view them. I arrived at that conceptualization of "anthropological" films participating in seminars by filmmakers, and listening carefully to what the interlocutors said. That understanding was subsequently elaborated by my reading a book by the documentary filmmaker Makoto Sato on documentary films (2001). Interestingly, what he insists on as crucial to good documentary making appears to have a lot in common with the so-called "quiet revolution" in contemporary anthropology. Generating my "anthropological" film became possible thanks to many different actors and events: the authors behind the "Writing Culture" shock, my Cuban friends'questioning of stereotypical representations of Cuba, and Cuban people's relationship with film in their daily lives. Further support came from grants-in-aid for scientific research, acceptance by the Global Center of Excellence (GCOE) Program of Osaka University, and encounters with people deeply interested in the kind of filmmaking that makes the audience listen to what the protagonists say. Cuba Sentimental was selected for and shown at various film festivals. Comments have varied depending on who the viewers are-anthropologists, filmmakers, or Cuban viewers. Opinions have differed even among people with similar backgrounds. Ultimately, I consider that what is important about this film is not that it was accepted and welcomed, but that it created interest in the people and the topic of the film, opening up an arena for discussion and comment. Cuba Sentimental has had many audiences composed of neither specialists about Cuba nor academics, but people with no prior interest in the people and topic of the film. Through the film, they have become aware of what happens in Cubans' lives. Furthermore, the film has also made some audience members interested in anthropology.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider the collaborative relationship with informants in the field and my own sensory experiences while involved in local visual practices. Taking my own process of ethnographic filmmaking as a case study, I explain the realization of the anthropological audiovisual narrative in response to my own film. I aim to contribute to the theorization of filmmaking in ethnographic research and scholarship by providing this study as a methodological example. In recent years, filmmaking has become more widespread because of the miniaturization and low cost of video production equipment; as a result, we have come to see various visual practices and media products in peripheral areas where many anthropologists do fieldwork. However, as shown in this paper, depending on the genres of self-produced video that have begun to circulate in the local market, there are also locally-produced works that are difficult for outsiders to appreciate in the same way as their local informants, because of their imperfect understanding of the indigenous audiovisual narrative that has been devised in the local social context. Judging from the discriminating visual and auditory senses of people who appreciate such local self-produced videos, the visual data and/or films that anthropologists shoot according to their scholarly interest may often be criticized by informants. But I suggest that if we receive such criticism with a positive attitude and sincere interest, we may find the possibility of innovative ethnographic filmmaking via a process of negotiating each other's "senses" and audiovisual narrative styles. In this paper, I clarify the current situation of local visual practices in the Dehong Tai society of Yunnan Province, China, and provide detailed ethnographic descriptions of my experience in producing commemorative videos of Tai rituals at the request of my Tai friends and informants. First, I review the various effects of the spread of video production equipment on urban areas in Yunnan, such as the piracy problem and the academic applications of video media; I also address the current situation of audiovisual media that have penetrated ethnic minority communities. Recently, activities such as commemorative filming of ritual, family or social events have become popular among ethnic minority societies in Yunnan. Next, based on my experience in Dehong Tai society, when I was asked by people to shoot and edit their commemorative videos, I examine the cultural characteristics of the local audiovisual narrative style that has developed. Tai people have established their own styles of audiovisual narrative to represent their cultural activities; these are often difficult for outsiders to understand, because of their lack of knowledge about the cultural context. Finally, taking my first ethnographic film I have produced so far as an example, I discuss the production process and methodology of negotiating the discomfort I felt during participant observation when making videos for my Tai informants, namely, the difference in gaze between us, and the effect of that on the anthropological audiovisual narrative. In Dehong Tai society, people in recent years have started to shoot commemorative videos of private Buddhist rituals, into which individuals or entire families may pour resources they have saved for many years. They invite private singers to the ritual to give a performance of improvised singing in honor of the guests. In the local market, these commemorative videos of folk singers' performances are ubiquitous, and highly-praised works are copied under the table and circulated as pirated editions. This video genre records the main guests as well as the singers; it offers confirmation of social relations and underlines the importance of the traditional auditory culture, such as improvised songs and chanting of Buddhist scriptures. However, the

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This paper describes women's status in Okinawan ancestral rituals, focusing on the differences between wives and sisters. I attempt to reexamine the image of female domination in Okinawan rituals, which has been grounded in the traditional concept of onarigami. Onarigami is the belief that a sister's sacred power guards brothers from danger. Anthropologists had paid much attention to this belief, because they regarded it as the basis of kinship systems in Okinawa. That research showed that sisters are ritually more predominant than wives, and that wives gradually become full-fledged members of their husband's family as they move through their life cycles, becoming first mothers and then grandmothers. However, academic curiosity about onarigami created a strong impression that female status in Okinawa is high. In recent research, those studies have been criticized for overemphasizing female domination. In addition, academic interest in women's studies has moved away from measuring the relative position of women, because it leads to a monolithic image of women. In recent studies, researchers have attempted to find differences between women and the causes of those differences. Based on those debates, I would like to pay attention to the real relationship between wives and sisters in ancestral rituals. This paper focuses on whether differences exist between wives and sisters regarding their roles and status, and if so, what actually causes those differences. Also, it asks what significance there is in the handling of rituals by women when it imposes a great burden on them. Four cases of memorial services for ancestors (suko) are presented, collected between 2007 and 2009 in X district in northern Okinawa Island. The paper's findings include the following points: Married sisters continue to play an influential role in the management of rituals as members of their parents' homes. On the other hand, wives, like guests, have no role at the beginning, but gradually begin to play an important role and build a solid position in the husbands' families. These features were nearly identical to those suggested in previous studies on onarigami. However, in fact, some sisters don't play major roles, and some wives don't assume leadership even if they become grandmothers. Understandably, they tend to keep a low profile in their families and do not have much say in decision-making. That indicates that women's status in their families depends on how they contribute to the rituals. In other words, all women are not automatically elevated to positions in their families, but acquire them over time by their own endeavors. By comparing them with men, this paper concludes that this feature is characteristic of women. The significance of women carrying the burden of rituals has changed with the modernization of Okinawa. In the past, it used to mean that women built up a strong position within the family. In recent days, however, it has come to mean that women follow in the tradition of male domination.

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This article examines the practice of a street artist collective known as ASARO (Asamblea de Artistas Revolucionarios de Oaxaca). In 2006, a popular uprising occurred against the oppression of the state governor of Oaxaca, Mexico. At that time, several art school students got together and tried to participate in the movement using their art skills. That is how ASARO emerged. They painted illustrations and slogans on the walls of the buildings in Oaxaca City. The main symbols they used to motivate the people were portraits of Mexican revolutionary heroes and indigenous people, invoking various subcultures, including punk and the Mexican-American cholo culture. It is commonly known that the Mexican Revolution served as the foundation of the PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) authoritarian regime. The PRI integrated the revolutionary heroes and nameless indigenous soldiers into Mexican national history as "national heroes." So in that sense, making artworks with the motif of the Mexican Revolution means an affirmation of the PRI regime. However, needless to say, ASARO does not intend to make drawings of the heroes and indigenous peoples for that purpose, but to criticize the regime's injustice. For example, it depicts Emiliano Zapata with a Mohawk haircut and a can of Coca Cola with the word "revolution" on it. In Mexican history, Zapata is known for his struggle for indigenous people's rights, and he died a martyr. On the contrary, ASARO's Zapata, according to the author, criticizes capitalism and neo-liberalism using pop art. The artists of ASARO also created an artwork inspired by Leonardo da Vinci's masterpiece "The Last Supper." In that work, they drew the head of Benito Juarez placed on a dish, with a gunshot mark on his forehead. In the same painting, the head of Lopez Obrador (the leader of the left-wing political party PRD) lies on a dish on the floor. That artwork poignantly critiques those in power who "killed" the ideals of both Juarez and Obrador. Since the PRI regime has not realized the ideals that people dreamed of during the revolution, ASARO does not consider that the Mexican Revolution has been truly achieved yet. That is why they need to summon revolutionary heroes and native people in the present day. However, as Frantz Fanon (1996) pointed out, even if folk art is strong, it will lose its creativity gradually if overused, eventually becoming conservative. Therefore, ASARO's imagery references subcultural icons familiar to the youth so as to reinvigorate the images of revolutionary heroes and indigenous peoples. In that sense, ASARO's imagery reflects a different "story" than the traditional history constructed by the PRI regime.

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