Changes in the modern times have become increasingly apparent since around 2010. Developed countries can no longer anticipate the same economic growth they have enjoyed so far, and emerging countries are developing. These trends have drawn attention to the finite nature of resources, while climate change and environmental destruction continue to accelerate. Against this background, increasing emphasis is being placed on the ideal state of well-being among citizens in contrast to simple economic growth. The themes of dematerialism and degrowth are also gaining ground. However, looking back, starting from the 1960s, it is possible to identify a focus on welfare and quality of life. The present paper reviews the history of quantification of desirability, such as welfare, quality of life, standards of living, enjoyment of life, degree of happiness, and subjective happiness. The author examines the utility of such quantification for policy making. Firstly, the recent major trends in degree of happiness are outlined. Secondly, the 1960s rise and subsequent retreat of the social indicators movement are described, followed by a look at the system of policy evaluation indicators used in the new public management, which emerged in the 1990s. Thirdly, trends in current happiness research and how these are connected to policy issues are examined in the context of the present study. Fourthly, a system of indicators based on subjective criteria is proposed. Lastly, the connections between Subjective indicators (such as subjective happiness and life satisfaction) and factors such as people's relationships and the ability to form interpersonal relationships are illustrated.

View full abstract

This paper focuses on the experience of welfare as a gift, and considers how we can increase its social fertility. We studied the actual situations of people receiving disability care or eldercare, and carefully examined the richness of social interactions, which the current care system fails to acknowledge. A gift is the unequal transfer of resources measured in quantity and/or value. A gift embodies various meanings. When it is given, a relationship occurs between the people involved, and may create feelings of superiority and inferiority. When the transfer of resources occurs as a gift in the context of welfare, the giver often takes control as the provider of resources. Hence, in order to maintain a sense of equality within the relationship, many welfare systems have adopted a principle of exchange that involves monetary payment for resources in care situations. For example, the modem Japanese long-term care insurance system uses the slogan "From salvation to contract," and has built a system that resembles the principles of a marketplace. However, a welfare system based on exchange removes experiences and feelings that naturally arise when one human being meets another. Exchange is not an appropriate basis for a welfare system since welfare is meant to encourage human life, and must therefore retain its inherent nature of being a gift. However, forcing a gift on others contradicts its original meaning. Thus, how can we experience welfare as a gift? We applied the method of participant observation, during which researchers are tom between the dual roles of participant and observer. This pushes the researcher to examine the encounter beyond the roles played by each individual. In the context of this study, we called the researcher' s involvement "participant observation in the art of living" and focused on the process of conflict. The character of the gift is created by the encounter beyond these roles. We call this a process of "mutual gifts." We stress the need to speak positively about the nature of these mutual gifts in the context of welfare. Finally, we point out that participant observation is somewhat similar to watching a play, and discuss the benefits of "participant observation as a play."

View full abstract

This essay aims to bridge the gap between the ethics of care and the sociology of welfare. The author explores the sociology of welfare at the surface level since the author does not specialize in this field, but rather in the history of political philosophy. However, both disciplines share a common interest in two approaches: (1) To perceive the idea of welfare sociologically; that is, aiming for a better life, and (2) To ask what it means to live well, versus merely living. The author believes that reconsidering the ethics of care within the sphere of political philosophy also constitutes an approach to the concept of welfare. The essay begins with the argument that the ethics of care was born out of the struggles of women, who have historically taken on gender roles within the division of labor in a certain social context. How can such ethics offer an alternative theory of citizenship or society? Due to a strong influence of neo-liberalism, citizens are seen as homo economicus, and a society is viewed as a network of contracts and exchanges of goods. Carole Gilligan developed the theory of the ethics of care by listening to women who were deciding whether to have abortions. The decision to have an abortion has some political implications for society's assumptions (such as social contracts and individualism). This example also suggests that care for others always conflicts with one's own self-interests, and that the ethics of care is related to violence. By showing that our interdependent relationships with each other require "the ethics of care" to be a public ethic (not a personal one), the author tries to illustrate the particular social role that the ethics of care can play in the process of trying to realize well-being.

View full abstract

While most studies on international retirement migration have dealt with migration patterns from the home country to the host nation, this study focuses on the stage in which retirees mayor may not return to their native lands. Based on interviews, participant observation, and questionnaires administered in Chiang Mai, Thailand, this study highlights care strategies among Japanese retirees who opt to stay in the host country, even after their physical and cognitive state declined. The author analyzed structural factors such as constraints on medical insurance and residential care, coupled with an uncertainty over currency exchange rates and the living costs in the host country. The author observed the strategies that Japanese retirees in Chiang Mai anticipated or used at three different levels. On the individual level, retirees might rely on a local spouse, a child from this conjugal relationship, a landlord, or a network of friends or local care givers. At the group level, Japanese retirees might share accommodation (religious or secular). At the organizational level, Japanese retirees may strive to establish care services. On all levels, the crucial factor for turning Chiang Mai into a permanent nesting ground for Japanese retirees is social capital, which retirees build and mobilize locally. Care strategies are described in terms of the local way of life, self-help, and de-professionalized care, that which leads to Japanese retirees living in Chiang Mai to collectively adopt these strategies. The author concludes by placing our findings in the context of a global care drain.

View full abstract