According to the Constitution, it is supposed that foreign nationals have basic

human rights in Japan as well. However, the human rights of foreign nationals

are quite different from those of Japanese. For foreigners, freedom of choice of

occupation, freedom of choice of residence is also limited depending on the status

of visa qualification. It is impossible to imagine if they are Japanese. The

meaning of “freedom” by foreign nationals is completely different from Japanese

people who are citizens. The fact that the meaning of ‘freedom’ that people

can acquire is different means that the citizenship that guarantees freedom

also has to be different between Japanese and foreign national.

　However, on the other hand, it is self-evident that there are human rights of

foreigners in Japan, so it is natural for foreigners to be on hand to various social

welfare subjects. This paper considers the “citizenship” of a foreign nationals

from how foreigners have become the subject of concrete social welfare subjects.

This chapter considers how the administration had to tackle welfare for

foreign nationals such as lively protection and child aid as a problem of administrative

operation. Finaly, the author will consider the actual supply of welfare

for foreign nationals as “operational citizenship”, then clarify what is the citizenship

of foreign nationals.

In this paper, we considered the trajectory of the Dowa policy from the viewpoint

of the（ historic） development of citizenship and consideration of the issue

of the consciousness of the problem of the discriminated community the Buraku

（hereafter, Buraku）. The investigation data led to the following conclusions.

Firstly, that the series of Buraku policies from prewar up to the Dowa policy

sought to guarantee denizenship; secondly, the series of policies aimed at denizenship

was conducive to making the Buraku invisible. Thirdly, the Dowa policy

aimed at guaranteeing the Buraku denizenship did not guarantee social rights

such as “equality of outcomes”. Ensuring social rights for the Buraku were essentially

left to the local community. By essentially creating boundaries between

people, the Dowa policies developed by the welfare state have only succeeded

in turning the Buraku into denizens. In other words, it was never a policy intended

to recognize the value of Buraku in the labor force and guarantee them

citizenship.

　In addition, along with the spread of neoliberal policies （and its flipside,

neo-conservatism） and the resulting regression of local governments, the opportunities

for Buraku to become regular employees are not only lost, the situation

of denizenship can even be considered dangerous for the Buraku. For both civil

republic citizenship and liberal citizenship, the duty to the Buraku（ mutual aid）

in the community is unduly emphasized （communitarianism）, and this results

in a net reduction in welfare in terms of human rights; in other words, citizenship.

　In the welfare state after the war, disabled people were excluded in the form

of isolation in the asylum or existed as marginalized “second-class citizen” in

the community. Such Citizenship of disabled persons is progressing greatly with

the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities that request to make

people with disabilities “on an equal basis with others”. However, it is hard to

say that the full citizenship of disabled people, which had been marginalized/

excluded so far, has been completely established.

　In Japan, even the deinstitutonalization is still in the middle, as the welfare

state seeking production and consumption obligations for its “full citizens”, many

of the disabled people living in the community also cannot get out of the

marginalized existence, and is exposed to the pressure to be a self-responsible

“good second-class citizen”. Further concern in the future are the spread of “soft

eugenics” typified by the Non-Invasive Prenatal Testing （NIPT） and the backlash

against anti-discrimination policy and social movements.

　Although, the human rights movements by “the people who do not have

rights” have always been doing so. We can not be optimistic, but should not be

pessimistic. One of the ways in which welfare sociology can contribute is the

reconstruction of the concept of citizenship of majority backed by ableism.

Clues lie in the intersection and collaboration of diverse minority social movements

across the realm of disability, gender and sexuality, poverty, and ethnicity.

　This article examines the process of institutionalization of voluntary human

service activities, by following their developing process from the stage of voluntary

associations to the stage of legally incorporated nonprofit organizations.

The process is examined from the three viewpoints: in a legal context, by participating

in a governmental system, and in a socio-cultural context. The article

indicates that institutionalization in a legal context and the institutionalization

by participating in a governmental system proceeds concurrently as a result of

the retrenchment of the welfare state. In the meantime, institutionalization in a

socio-cultural context remains ongoing. This article also indicates how the voluntary

activities began to distinguish themselves from governmental systems, in

order to restore their autonomy as private entities. On the other hand, social

welfare corporations, which are another type of nonprofit organizations, have

been operating as part of governmental systems for many years. The differentiation

of the voluntary activities from governmental systems seems to challenge

the identity of social welfare corporations as private-nonprofit organizations.

In recent years, in the field of elderly welfare in Japan, citizen welfare has

been promoted as a livelihood support system composed of community initiatives

or mutual support, based on the government’s policy mission to form a

community-based integrated care system. This paper first ascertains policy

trends at the national level. Next, it presents the perspectives needed to understand

the actual situation, namely, restructuring the paradigm of “socialization

of care,” restructuring spheres of intimacy, and progress in the areas of social

class and economic disparity. This paper then ascertains the overall national situation

of community-initiated livelihood support. In addition, it presents the results

of an interview survey that the authors conducted with two local governments

in Tokyo about the current development of government foundations for

livelihood support. The responses to the interview survey are examined from

the above perspectives. Finally, this paper organizes the arguments developed

and summarizes the insights and suggestions obtained.

　There have been many neo-liberal reforms of modern welfare states since the

1980s. Although deregulation and decentralization have caused the privatization

of various public welfare services, since the logic of welfare is generally incompatible

with markets, it is difficult to fully supply welfare services through a

market economy alone. Because of this, “quasi-markets” have gradually formed

as places for the provision of welfare services, through the citizen welfare of

NPOs and other organizations. In recent years, citizen welfare is in the process

of becoming institutionalized even as it is tied to new policy trends such as the

emphasis of regional roles and the participation of citizens.

　These trends can also be seen in anti-poverty policy, where an oft-used

phrase is “independence-support,” and there is an increasing expectation of citizen

welfare as the method of support. This paper focuses on the implications of

this expectation, and argues that, while the use of citizen welfare goes hand in

hand with the progressive shrinking of public responsibility and a reduction in

“redistribution” to the poor（ economic benefits）, the expand of “recognition” of

the poor and the supporter of the poor has occurred in the name of independence-

support. Further, the paper provides some suggestions on the state of redistribution

approval that can oppose the current neoliberalist governing style

of the poor.

The three objectives of this study were to investigate: i） the type of movements

that people with disabilities have engaged in towards the establishment

of a legal framework; ii） the type of approach that people with disabilities have

taken towards the municipalities to ensure the provision of the necessary type

and quantity of care services; and iii） changes in the relationship between the

government and the disabled people’s movement, and the current challenges to

the disability welfare services that have been institutionalized.

　The disabled people’s movement has been presenting requests and offering

policy suggestions to the government based on their own living conditions. Disabled

people have sought to enlist the assistance of municipalities in order to

receive care services. Using Osaka City as an example, this study examined the

content and course of discussions between the City and organizations for the

people with disabilities about the provision of care by the City. The study revealed

the need for a common platform to listen to the voices of disabled people

and supporters for institution-building. Based on discussions to date, the

study showed that the relationship between the government and the disabled

people’s movement is represented by not only the keyword “confrontation” but

also the word “co-production” and the future challenge of disability welfare is

the establishment of a platform and framework that allows dialogue and co-production.

The poverty rate among single-parent households has reached fifty percent in

Japan and poverty, especially, among single-mother households has become a

significant issue. To address this issue facing single-mother households, Public

Assistance can be available if living situations cannot be improved by basic allowances,

such as Child Rearing Allowance for single parents and Survivors’

Pension for widowed single-mother households. However, the rate of those who

receive Public Assistance among single-mother households is remarkably low

considering the high poverty rate. According to prior studies, although there

seem to be quite a number of households living in poverty that do not receive

Public Assistance, the possible factors determining why they do not receive

Public Assistance remain to be demonstrated in quantitative analyses.

　This study analyzes data from the “Survey on Life Attitudes of Parents and

Children, 2011,” a national survey on 9th-grade children and their parents conducted

by the Cabinet Office. Thus, this study deals with single-mother households

with junior high school students living in poverty to examine the determinants

of the Public Assistance recipients. Results showed that many poor single-

mother households did not receive Public Assistance. Among those households,

⑴single mothers with a high school or higher education, ⑵working

single mothers, and ⑶single mothers with a higher sense of internal control

who believe outcomes depend on one’s efforts were especially less likely to receive

Public Assistance. The results suggested that such single mothers had

stronger values of “being independent” and refrained from receiving Public Assistance.

Consequently, for such single-mother households, not receiving Public

Assistance even while living in poverty can lead to the persistence of poverty.

Thus, aiming to “be independent” in the long run while receiving Public Assistance

can be a realistic and more effective solution to poverty among children

in single-mother households.

This paper clarifies the determinants of social isolation from a viewpoint of

“cumulative disadvantage.” Previous research on predictors of social isolation

has shown that people with disadvantages in socioeconomic status, family life

or health are more likely to be isolated. These studies, however, did not take into

consideration the possibility that adult disadvantages emerge from childhood

ones. Therefore, this study tests “the cumulative disadvantage hypothesis” that

adulthood disadvantages caused by child disadvantages―especially poverty,

abuse, bullying, and school refusal―influence social isolation. This study uses a

nationwide survey data in Japan.

　The main findings of this study are as follows: ⑴Those who have experienced

childhood poverty or school refusal（ at junior high schools） tend to obtain low

education and no partner, so subsequently experience isolation during adulthood.

⑵Those who have suffered from physical abuse, school refusal （at elementary

and junior high schools） or bullying（ at junior and senior high schools ）

are presently likely to be isolated because of their high depression. ⑶Children

who have been deprived or neglected have a tendency to be isolated in their

adult lives.

　These results suggest that cumulative disadvantages lead social isolation and

childhood disadvantages themselves―especially poverty and neglect―also have

negligible impacts on social isolation. This paper indicates the possibility that

early care for children experiencing adverse circumstances could be effective to

prevent future social isolation.