ENGLISH LINGUISTICS
Online ISSN : 1884-3107
Print ISSN : 0918-3701
ISSN-L : 0918-3701
Search
Advanced search
OR
Browse
Search
Volume 26, Issue 2
Displaying 1-14 of 14 articles from this issue
Show all abstracts
    • |<
    • <
    • 1
    • >
    • >|
Article
  • EXTRAPOSITION AND CYCLIC SYNTAX
    MANABU MIZUGUCHI
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 293-328
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_293
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    This paper explores extraposition from NP and claims that it provides evidence for the cyclic model of derivations proposed in the recent Minimalist Program. We propose that an extraposed phrase, which is base-adjoined, is interpretively associated with its host in the semantic component via cyclic Transfer. We show that the proposed analysis can give a natural account to attested properties of extraposition. Through our investigation, we demonstrate that our proposal not only endorses a Minimalist view of syntactic derivations but also has theoretical consequences for the way CHL constructs derivations, proposing a more derivationally oriented phase theory. We also argue that the proposed analysis straightforwardly explains well-formed sub-extraction from subjects.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (463K)
  • HEADED RELATIVES, FREE RELATIVES, AND DETERMINER-HEADED FREE RELATIVES
    TAICHI NAKAMURA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 329-355
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_329
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    This article is concerned with what we will call determiner-headed free relatives (DHFRs), e.g. this is the what you do against the Rams. We argue, based on the raising analysis of relative clauses, that this type of relative is a variant of headed relatives whose invisible nominal head is derived from (i) decomposing wh-words into [D wh-] and [N -at], (ii) raising the latter as the nominal head, and (iii) pronouncing the original copy. This analysis attributes their headed-relative-like properties and their unique properties to their invisible nominal head. It also suggests that the raising analysis of DHFRs is preferable to the matching analysis.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (626K)
Brief Article
  • PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTISERS AND SPLIT CP STRUCTURE IN ENGLISH
    JUNJI HAMAMATSU
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 356-373
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_356
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    Prepositions do not take that-clauses as complements. They nonetheless seem to take wh-clausal complements, as in her explanation of what (else) happened. However, such an analysis is mistaken both empirically and theoretically. Instead, I present an analysis in which what seems to be a preposition taking a wh-clausal complement is actually a complementiser that is inside the CP system. More specifically, the prepositional complementiser is argued to be in Force in Rizzi’s split CP structure. It is also claimed that the complementiser of is a realisation of genitive Case. This leads to the generalisation of the Visibility Condition on Case to the clause.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (497K)
  • COVERT PIED-PIPING IN JAPANESE WH-QUESTIONS
    HISASHI MORITA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 374-393
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_374
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    It will be argued that Agree alone is not sufficient to derive wh-questions in Japanese contra Watanabe (2006) and Munakata (2006). Specifically, covert movement or pied-pipng must follow after Agree. To validate this claim, three new pieces of evidence will be presented: scope interaction, de re/de dicto interpretations of nan-satu no NP ‘how many NPs,’ and long-distance construal of zibun-zisin ‘oneself.’ This claim, if true, supports Chomsky's (2004, 2007, 2008), in which he argues that covert movement (or pied-piping) and Agree are distinct operations. Hence, Chomsky's (2000, 2001) claim that there is no covert movement in the syntactic module should be rejected.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (369K)
Notes and Discussion
Article on a Specified Topic
  • INTRODUCTION: THE EMERGENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES FROM A CROSS-LINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE
    FUYO OSAWA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 405-410
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_405
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (282K)
  • THE EMERGENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES IN THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH: ONTOGENY AND PHYLOGENY IN LANGUAGE
    FUYO OSAWA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 411-436
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_411
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    This paper claims that the drastic change in the English language can be better explained in terms of the emergence of functional categories, assuming that language shifts from a lexical-thematic stage to a functional stage over time. The process of first language acquisition of English children also embodies this shift. Old English is supposed to have lacked functional categories such as DP, TP and CP. Many syntactic phenomena related to these functional categories were absent in Old English. They were made possible later after these functional categories emerged. First language acquisition is also described as the process of acquiring functional categories. This parallelism between ontogeny and phylogeny is attested in the relation between aspect and tense.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (417K)
  • RETHINKING FUNCTIONAL PARAMETRIZATION: A VIEW FROM HONORIFICATION IN THE NOMINAL DOMAIN IN JAPANESE
    HIROMU SAKAI, ADRIAN IVANA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 437-459
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_437
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    Research on Japanese-English comparative syntax has argued that the Japanese-type languages lack functional categories. Nevetheless, certain syntactic phenomena in Japanese have often been argued to support intricate phrase architecture with multiple layers of functional projections as assumed in the English-type languages. Faced with this apparent contradiction, this paper rethinks the role of functional categories in the theory of parameters from the viewpoint of honorification in the nominal domain in Japanese. The result shows that parametric variation between the two types of languages should be attributed to a more fine-grained difference as to how categories with lexical content are integrated into their syntactic computation.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (551K)
  • NOTES ON FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES IN GERMAN
    YASUHITO HOSAKA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 460-475
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_460
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    Functional categories are generally considered to be present in every language. For example, the functional categories C and T are assumed to be present in those languages which have complementizers and finite forms of verbs. In this paper it is shown that German has only one functional category F with properties of C and T in pre-VP position. In the course of the history of German, this position was introduced for finite verbs that were moved to pre-VP position. The position is available not only as a landing site for finite verbs, but also a slot for complementizers. Its hybrid nature has persisted into modern German.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (531K)
  • THE EMERGENCE OF CP
    MICHIO HOSAKA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 476-496
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_476
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    Through a CP projection, a sentence can be expanded to host such elements as WH and topic words and to become an embedded clause. However, it is not well explained why CP has such a dual nature. This article shows that the multilayered structure of CP and the diachronic change from parataxis into subordination can be explained under the hypothesis of the emergence of a functional category. More specifically, it explains why a functional category emerged in the early stage of proto-languages and how it developed into split CP projections and how subordination was grammaticalized in the course of diachronic change.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (510K)
Review Article
  • NULL AND LEXICAL SUBJECTS OF GERUNDS
    The Minimalist Syntax of Defective Domains: Gerunds and Infinitives, by Acrisio Pires, Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today vol. 98, John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 2006, xiv+188pp.
    YUKI ISHIHARA
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 497-527
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_497
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    This review article examines Pires’s (2006) analysis of gerunds in English. The distribution of clausal gerunds with/without overt subjects as well as that of TP-defective gerunds is investigated to see how well Pires’s Case-theoretic account is empirically motivated. We also examine the properties of the subjects of gerunds in adjunct positions, since Pires, following Hornstein, argues that they involve obligatory control. It is shown that some adjuncts, especially those that precede main clauses, have properties of nonobligatory control.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (437K)
  • SCOPE OF NEGATION AND NEGATIVE POLARITY ITEMS IN JAPANESE
    Nihongo Hiteibun no Kozo: Kakimazebun to Hiteikoo Hyogen (The Structure of Negative Sentences in Japanese: Scrambling and Neg-sensitive Elements), by Kiyoko Kataoka, Kurosio, Tokyo, 2006, vi+282pp.
    MASAKAZU KUNO
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 528-549
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_528
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    It is commonly believed that Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) in Japanese must be c-commanded by a sentential negation marker in the same local domain. The book under review challenges this common belief, taking up three kinds of NPIs (rokuna-, sika- and wh-mo-NPIs), and claims that the latter two must occur outside the scope of negation. The present paper reviews this claim and points out a couple of problems from the viewpoint of where negation is expressed in a sentence with an NPI. It will be shown that rokuna- and sika-NPIs, unlike wh-mo-NPIs, constitute a semantic locus of negation, hence a different grouping emerges. A solution will be suggested to reconcile this apparent contradiction.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (433K)
  • THE MANNER-MOTION CONFLATION PARAMETER: IS THE SYNTACTIC APPROACH BETTER?
    On the Syntactic Composition of Manner and Motion, by Maria L. Zubizarreta and Eunjeong Oh, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2007, xii+228pp.
    KENTARO NAKATANI
    2009 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 550-572
    Published: 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: October 07, 2013
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_550
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Show abstractHide abstract
    The present article critically reviews Zubizarreta and Oh (henceforth, Z&O)’s (2007) work, which proposes novel syntactic treatments of the well-known “manner-motion conflation” parameter among languages such as Korean, Germanic, and Romance (Talmy (1985)) and of a serial-verb construction parameter that explains the difference between Edo and Korean. Because there has been a long tradition of lexicalist studies on these matters (Talmy (1985), Pinker (1989), Kageyama (1993), Rappaport Hovav and Levin (1998), among others), Z&O’s work is specifically examined to see if their approach is advantageous over the lexicalist approach in terms of the predictability of the parameter setting. It is shown in the present article that Z&O’s approach is actually not as explanatory as they argue—at least it is hard to conclude that their approach has been proven better.
    View full abstract
    Download PDF (465K)
Obituary
    • |<
    • <
    • 1
    • >
    • >|
feedback
 Top