ENGLISH LINGUISTICS
Online ISSN : 1884-3107
Print ISSN : 0918-3701
ISSN-L : 0918-3701
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Volume 3
Displaying 1-17 of 17 articles from this issue
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  • ON THE GOVERNMENT-BINDING THEORY AND DERIVED NOMINALS
    MASACHIYO AMANO
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 1-19
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.1
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    Derived nominal expressions raise a number of difficult problems which have defied solution for many years. It seems to me, however, that the GB theory developed in Chomsky 1981 or 1985 enables us to obtain a splendid insight into some of these problems. For instance, the Uniformity Condition proposed by Chomsky 1985 can give a plausible explanation to the difference of grammaticalness between John's easiness to please and John's eagerness to please, which has been one of the long-standing problems. In fact, this condition has much more far-reaching consequences on the problems bearing on derived nominals than Chomsky himself has assumed.
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  • LEXICALIZATION OF SYNTACTIC PHRASES
    REIKO SHIMAMURA
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 20-37
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.20
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    The aim of this paper is to investigate the process of the‘lexicalization’of syntactic phrases by picking out four types of compounds with phrasal constituents, i.e. P-NP type (behind-the-scenes), N-PP type (cost-of-living), A-to-V type (easy-to-follow), and V-NP type (tell-tale). I claim that these four types of compounds are the results of the lexicalization of the phrases P′, N′, A′, and V′ respectively, and propose a lexical reanalysis rule to produce them.
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  • SEMANTICS OF DEVERBAL ADJECTIVES IN ENGLISH
    CHUTA FUNAYAMA
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 38-57
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.38
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    A framework is proposed by which to examine the semantics of deverbal adjectives in the -ing, -en and -able forms in terms of correspondence between the argument structure of verbs and that of deverbal adjectives with special attention paid to the -ing adjectives. Verbs from which those adjectives are derived are classified into four groups according to the differences revealed by the proposed framework: (i) intransitive verbs, (ii) transitive verbs with obligatory objects, (iii) transitive verbs with deletable objects and (iv) transitive verbs capable of incorporating Generic Category, a new concept proposed in this paper.
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  • ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF CLAUSAL ARGUMENTS
    AKIRA KIKUCHI
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 58-78
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.58
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    A locality condition on the θ-role assignment is proposed and the Case Criterion, a combination of the Case Filter and the Case Realization Condition, is formulated in terms of the notion of chain. It is shown that the distributional properties of clausal arguments are explained by these fairly simple conditions together with other principles in UG. It is also noted that the theory in this paper, if correct, will constitute a counterargument to the Visibility Hypothesis proposed in the recent literature of GB theory.
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  • PREPOSITIONAL TO-INFINITIVES IN ENGLISH
    JUN ABE
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 79-97
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.79
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    Many generativists have thrown light on only the sentential properties of to-infinitives and failed to observe their prepositional features. That to-infinitives are prepositional can be confirmed by their similarity with PPs in distribution and meaning. Our claim in this paper is that there is a class of verbs whose to-infinitive complements are best analyzed as PPs, though other to-infinitive complements are to be regarded as Ss. This assumption will be supported by both syntactic and semantic evidence. It will also produce a desirable effect on the way in which the clausal complements of verbs are subcategorized.
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  • NOUNS WITH APPOSITIONAL OF COMPLEMENTS AND PSEUDO-PARTITIVE NP'S
    MASAYUKI IKE-UCHI
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 98-117
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.98
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    This article discusses the structure and derivation of nouns with the so-called appositional of complements (NA constructions) such as the angel of a girl and of pseudo-partitive NP's such as a bunch of flowers. The correct structure which should be assigned to the NA construction is proposed. It is claimed that a derived phrase structure rule is involved in its derivation. It is argued that the typical pseudo-partitive construction is derived by a syntactic reinterpretation rule and that it has a dual structure: i.e., it simultaneously possesses both an original base-generated structure and a derived (reinterpreted) pseudo-partitive structure. Deletion and anaphora are sensitive to the former structure and movement to the latter.
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  • RIGHT NODE RAISING: A NULL ANAPHOR ANALYSIS
    NORIMI KIMURA
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 118-133
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.118
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    The so-called Right Node Raising (RNR) constructions are generally taken to exhibit a large number of peculiarities, which make it impossible to properly formulate a rule of RNR. However, these anomalous properties of RNR constructions, it seems to me, prove that the previous analyses are quite inadequate. To dispel anomalies of RNR constructions, in this paper, I will propose a null anaphor analysis of RNR based on two kinds of hypotheses: i) the structure-preserving nature of RNR constructions, and ii) an interpretive analysis of RNR constructions. I will show that our analysis of RNR is valid by presenting ample supporting evidence.
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  • VARIABLE BINDING
    KEN-ICHI MIHARA
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 134-150
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.134
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    This article deals with binding of a pronominal which is coindexed with an operator in an A′-position. In section 1, I will argue against the analyses of crossover phenomena by Koopman and Sportiche 1982 and Safir 1984, and propose a bidirectional condition for the pronominal to satisfy. In section 2, I will introduce the notion variable chain required for the proper functioning of pronominal binding in which intermediate traces play a crucial role. In section 3. I will present the S-indexing mechanism, which is a formal representation of an idea that a newly created S node by Chomsky-adjunction is nondistinct from an original S node. This analysis is also designed to counter May's 1985 Scope Principle and its consequences.
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  • JAPANESE LF-MOVEMENT AND VARIABLE BINDING
    MASAKI SANO
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 151-174
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.151
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    This paper deals with Japanese LF-movement and variable binding by a wh-expression (WH). The main theme is exactly to what position a WH moves at LF. It seems that this theme has not been dealt with in great detail, and it is grossly assumed that a WH is either adjoined to COMP or S′ or is moved under COMP. This seems to me to be a gratuitous assumption, which is perhaps rooted in the thinking that nothing significant would come out by dwelling on the issue. However, it will be shown that the exact position of a moved WH has significant relevance to the problem of variable binding.
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  • ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF IMPERSONAL CONSTRUCTIONS
    MIKI KOBAYASHI
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 175-198
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.175
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    Impersonal constructions have been a topic of great interest to historical linguists. In this paper we will attempt to capture the fundamental properties of various kinds of impersonal constructions in terms of Case theory of Chomsky 1981. First we will discuss impersonal constructions containing only NP arguments and then turn to those with a complement clause. Lexical Case assignment and AGR deletion rule will be supposed to be involved in the derivation of these constructions.
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  • AGAINST TRACES IN MORPHOLOGY
    KANEHARU IRUBE
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 199-205
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.199
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  • THE SCOPE OF NON- IS NON-UNIFORM
    YOKO YUMOTO
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 206-212
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.206
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  • MISSING SUBJECTS IN ADVERBIAL CLAUSES
    KEN-ICHI TAKAMI
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 213-217
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.213
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    In this note I would like to point out that both Reuland's 1983 analysis of missing subjects in adverbial clauses and the command constraint on them put forward by Langacker 1969 or Jackendoff 1972 run into serious counterexamples, and furthermore to make clear that the phenomena of missing subjects in adverbial clauses present various types of distributional differences according to what conjunction or which type of predicates (-ing, -ed, or verbless clauses) is used.
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  • BINDING THEORY AND S-STRUCTURE
    NORIAKI YUSA
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 218-223
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.218
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  • ANY IN THE THERE-CONSTRUCTION
    KUNITOSHI TAKAHASHI
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 224-225
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.224
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  • HOW MANY CATS?
    KOKO OKUNO
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 226-230
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.226
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  • ON COORDINATION OF ESSENCE AND ACCIDENT
    KIJI MEGA
    1986 Volume 3 Pages 231-232
    Published: 1986
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.3.231
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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