In the recent literature, various arguments have been presented in favor of the existence of multiple dominance in syntax. The aim of this paper is to present another piece of evidence to support multiple dominance in syntax, based on the parasitic gap construction. It is argued that the proposed analysis captures various otherwise puzzling properties of the construction discovered in the literature. It is also shown that the proposed multiple dominance analysis is more plausible than Nunes’s (2001, 2004) sideward movement analysis. Finally this paper attempts to accommodate anti-reconstruction effects in parasitic gaps, by extending the Wholesale Late Merger hypothesis, proposed by Takahashi (2006) and Takahashi and Hulsey (2009).
This paper investigates the mechanism of A′-movement. Based on Italian data, Rizzi (2006) proposes that Criterial Freezing restricts successive A′-movement which satisfies several A′-properties, while it does not prohibit the extraction out of the A′-moved phrase. However, we will show that some English data express the ban on extraction. We will present split A′-movement analysis, which claims that an A′-element can split and subphrases move to distinct landing sites in the articulated CP domain. This assumption, together with feature-based relativized minimality (Rizzi (2004)), explains extraction phenomena both in Italian and in English. Further, the notion of the fine periphery is extended to the vP domain and we will give a plausible account for wh-movement of associate DPs in there-constructions.
In the Locative Inversion Construction in English, where the subject DP (i.e. the Theme DP) occurs post-verbally, the Location PP appears to occupy the so-called “subject position” (cf. Nishihara (1999, 2005)). In this paper, adopting the copy theory of movement (Chomsky (1995)), I alternatively propose that in this construction, the Spec of TP is filled by the Theme DP. In particular, I argue that the Theme DP undergoes A-movement to the Spec of TP at narrow syntax, with the lower copy in its original position pronounced at PF due to the status of the DP as a focused XP, while the Location PP undergoes overt A′-movement to the Spec of TopP via Topicalization.
This paper aims to clarify the syntactic change of genitives by focusing on the development of -’s in the history of English, arguing that -’s is the descendant of the genitive inflection -(e)s. It is proposed that in the course of the development, the syntactic status of -(e)s/-’s has changed into a D element assigning genitive Case to its specifier, which is shown to be a case of degrammaticalization. It is also demonstrated that the proposed analysis can properly explain the distributional change of genitives obtained from the investigation of historical corpora.
This paper investigates the development of adjectives used as nouns (N-adjectives) in the history of English, and its relation to the loss of adjectival inflection and the rise of the prop-word one. The correlation among these historical events is confirmed by an investigation based on historical corpora, and it is shown to be explained in terms of the DP structure which contains a phonologically null pronominal, the availability of which depends on the interpretability of φ-features on adjectives, under the Agree system proposed within the recent Minimalist framework.
This paper argues for the rise of functional categories in small clauses and bare infinitive complements by investigating their syntactic properties in the history of English. It is claimed that both of these nonfinite clause types have undergone morphological erosion that led to the rise of functional categories, where the theory of predication plays a crucial role in relating the two changes. Moreover, the structural changes of these two types of nonfinite clauses are shown to be neatly captured in terms of grammatical competition, with the structure with a new functional category competing with and gradually replacing the structure without it, in the transitional period of their historical development.
This paper argues that Old Japanese (8th century) had a distinction between strong and deficient pronouns, comparable to the distinction found in Romance languages as described in detail by Cardinaletti and Starke (1999). I propose that the loss of the deficient pronouns, which occurred in Early Middle Japanese, is best analyzed as loss of the functional category AgrP within the extended nominal projection. Due to the loss of AgrP, strong pronouns, in particular first person ware, underwent a shift from first person to second person and acquired the derogatory sense found in Late Middle Japanese. I argue that this change can be formally analyzed as a categorial reanalysis of personal pronouns as demonstratives, and that it involves what Norde (2006, 2009) defines as “degrammaticalization.”
Cross-linguistically, there is polysemy of ‘with’ and ‘and,’ which is explained as development from the comitative to the conjunction. Formally, the development is captured as change of labels from DP to &P, which instantiates the emergence of a functional category. Coordination is decomposed into several factors, each of which changes independently. This explains several types of anomalous coordination where only some, but not all, factors have changed. Such anomalous sentences manifest the gradualness of language change, and close examination of them reveals that the change is not unidirectional but multi-directional.
Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory: Essays in Honor of Jean-Roger Vergnaud, ed. by Robert Freidin, Carlos P. Otero and Maria Luisa Zubizarreta, Current Studies in Linguistics series 45, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2008, xxxii+389pp.
2010 Volume 27 Issue 2 Pages
Published: 2010 Released on J-STAGE: May 12, 2014
This review article examines two phenomena—reconstruction and ellipsis—discussed in articles selected from the above volume. Capitalizing on an independently motivated process of counter-cyclic Merger, the current article sketches an alternative analysis of the (anti)reconstruction effects in Welsh relative clauses discussed in Rouveret’s article in this volume and explores its consequences. Building on the observations in Williams’ article, also in this volume, we also see various ellipsis facts that can be analyzed as involving a particular type of variable binding dependency. Based on those facts, we consider the nature of a condition that is relevant for licensing ellipsis. The first half of the article is allocated to the presentation of brief reviews regarding some of the articles that are directly or indirectly related to the two topics above.