ENGLISH LINGUISTICS

The purpose of this paper is to propose within the framework of the Minimalist Program that linear order within a phase domain is determined by the Linear Correspondence Axiom, whereas linear order within a non-phase domain is determined by the head parameter. Furthermore, I will argue that this proposal, together with the Phase Impenetrability Condition proposed by Chomsky (2000), explains a long-standing issue regarding a difference in boundedness between leftward and rightward movement to the effect that the former can apply successive cyclically, while the latter cannot.

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According to Miyagawa’s (2005, 2007, 2010, etc.) view that human languages are divided into two types with regard to the way that the requirement of the EPP on T is satisfied, English is a Subject-prominent language. In this type of language, the EPP on T works in tandem with a φ-feature and always triggers the A-movement of an XP that establishes an Agree relation with T through the φ-feature (i.e. a subject DP). Given this parameterization, even ‘stylistic inversion’ constructions in English, which are considered marked constructions because of their deviant word orders, are proven to be unmarked constructions that involve only this type of A-movement. This paper focuses on a Heavy NP Shift sentence as a case study to argue that Miyagawa’s parameterization of the EPP, together with the copy theory of movement, is highly promising with regard to research that examines the universality and diversity of human languages.

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The quantificational suffix mo in Japanese has long been assumed to induce universal interpretation. However, there is a rare counterexample. The intuitive interpretation of na’n-satu-mo ‘what-CL_volume-MO’ is ‘a large number of volumes,’ which is existential. This study argues that in cases like this, the quantificational suffix mo is indeed an existential suffix, and that therefore the grammar has two types of quantificational suffix mo, namely universal mo and existential mo.

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It has been argued in the literature (George (1980), Chomsky (1986), Agbayani (2000, 2006), among others) that a movement operation without an effect on PF output can be suspended. This is known as the vacuous movement hypothesis. In this paper, it is shown, based on recent minimalist frameworks (Chomsky (2000, 2001, 2004, 2008)), that the vacuous movement hypothesis is reducible to an explanatory system in which the mechanism of feature inheritance operates not only on the Agree feature but also on the edge feature, which draws on clausal typing (Cheng (1997a)). The proposed system is also shown to have favorable consequences and implications.

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