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Shoichi SATO
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
1-34,en3
Published: March 15, 1979
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Dans le monde occidental sous les premiers mérovingiens, où les ordres romains et germaniques s'opposaient, s'influencaient et finissaient par fusionner pour donner une nouvelle structure politico-sociale de l'Occident, le pouvoir nous semble avoir eu une importance considérable. Pour comprendre, comment s'est installée cette nouvelle structure politico-sociale, it faut que nous mettions d'abord en lumière aussi bien que possible la nature, le mode et le fonctionnement du pouvoir que l'on trouve au seuil du monde médiéval.
Dans cette perspective, nous avons traité du palais en tent que corps politique composé de ceux qui exercaient personnellment des pouvoirs, c'est-à-dire l'appareil gouvernemental le plus important et sur lequel la royauté peut le plus compter, et avons examiné surtout les rapports entre la modalité de ce champ d'activité des puissants et le fonctionnement du pouvoir.
Nous en avons tiré les conclusions suivantes:
D'abord, it semble que non seulement les rois, mais aussi les autres membres de la famille royale (femmes, fils, filles de rois) organisaient leurs petites cours personnelles, qu'ils avaient leurs propres officiers de cour et qu'ils subvenaient aux frais d'entretiens domestiques par leurs propres ressources financières. Donc, quand on parle du palais dans le cadre du "Teilreich" que ce soit l'Austrasie ou la Neustrie ou la Bourgogne, on doit bien remarquer qu'il était en realité l'ensemble du palais royal et de petites tours qui avaient des intérêts particuliers et différents les uns aux autres. De tout cela vient le caractère pluraliste, a utrement dit, le manque de cohésion du pouvoir royal à cette époque.
En deuxième lieu, si le roi meurt, le palais (élément le plus important des appareils gouvernementaux du "Teilreich") s'anéantit spontanément, et lorsque le nouveau roi lui succède, le palais qu'il réorganise peut n'avoir aucune relation avec celui du roi défunt (la même situation se retrouve dans les petites cours, si le chef d'une de celles-ci meurt). Et ce serait bien compréhensible, si l'on tient compte du fait que le nouveau roi avait eu ses propres officiers dans sa petite cour princière, et qu'ils continuaient à servir, comme personnel palatin, leur chef qui devenait roi. La nature passagère des palais comme corps politiques dont le cycle de naissance et mort s'achevait à terme relativement court aurait causé l'aggravation de l'instabilité politique de ce temps.
Nous pourrions dire qu'au point de vue de I'histoire du pouvoir politique, l'ascension du maior domat commencée dans le deuxième quart du 7<SUP>e</SUP> siècle ne devenait possible qu'après la suppression ces deux facteurs structuraux qui caractérisaient le palais mérovingien du 6<SUP>e</SUP> siècle.
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in ständer Hinsicht auf ihre geschichtliche Lage
Minoru NISHIMURA
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
35-69,en4
Published: March 15, 1979
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Da die Rechtssoziologie Ehrlichs schon zu seiner Lebenszeit in Japan eingefuhrt und, insbesondere durch Prof. Tetsu ISOMURA, durchforscht war, könnte man fast sagen, daß ihre theoretische-systematische Struktur erschöpfend erklärt ist.Bekanntlich ist auch in Deutschland seine lang ignorierte Theorie durch Prof. Manfred REHBINDER neulich wieder in eine neues Licht gestellt. Dank der Leistungen dieser Forscher sind wir heute in der Lage, seine Theorie auf die gegenwärtige Situation anzuwenden. Allein die Untersuchung über die geschichtliche Seite seiner Rechtssoziologie, d. h. die Frage, unter welcher gesellschaftlichen Lage sie begründet war, wie sie auf andere Rechtsgedanken oder politische Gedanken bezieht, ferner, wie sie damals sozial, politisch gewirkt hat, ist gerade deshalb außer acht gelassen, weil bisher der Nachdruck auf die "Rezeption" oder die Kritik der Theorie gelegen ist.
Dies müßte betont rein, wenn man den Umstand berücksichtigt, daßdas Studium über einen anderen Vater der deutschen Rechtssoziologie, Max WEBER, bei weitem fortgeschritten ist. Und das gilt auch für die Behandlung der sogenannten "Weber gegen Ehrlich" - Frage, die neulich bei uns öfters diskutiert ist. Während die Forschung nach Weber auf den fast unubersehbaren Materialien, einschließlich der "personal history" beruht, wird für Ehrlich nur ein Ted seiner Rechtssoziologie oder Freirechtslehre in Betracht gezogen. Überdies hat man ohne genaue Beweise vorausgesetzt, daß die Rechtssoziologie Ehrlichs "demokratisch" ist. - Schon ein flüchtiger Blick in these einseitige Forschungslage würde uns überzeugen, daß es dringend nötig ist, die Rechtssoziologie Ehrlichs vom geschichtlichen Standpunkt her zu betrachten.
Die vorliegende Abhandlung nun, indem sie erstens die gesellschaft-liche Lage, in der sich die deutsche Rechtswissenschaft im 19. and 20. Jahrhundert befand, insbesondere den Einfluß der sogenannten Sozialen Frage and Kartell-Frage auf die Rechtswissenschaft, zweitens den Unterschied der Generationen - darauf wir das Ergebnis der Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte anwenden können -, drittens aber die Verschiedenheit zwischen Deutschland and Österreich berücksichtigt, versucht die Begriffe "lebenden Rechts", dann des "Verband", die den Kernpunkt der Rechtssoziologie Ehrlichs bilden, von neuem zu analysieren, um den logischen Bau der "Nivellierung" (Entideologierung) derselben zu betrachten, sodann die Wissenschaftslehre Ehrlichs, die zwar eigentlich "wertfrei" zu sein bestrebte, aber immer noch in der Verknüpfung an die Praxis (Freirechtslehre) blieb, in Zusammenhang mit damaliger Nationalökonomie zu erklären. Schliefßlich soil sie die soziale and politische Funktion der Rechtssoziologie Ehrlichs, d. h. ihren ökono-misch-liberalen Charakter erschließen.
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Nobuhiro UEDA
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
71-92,en6
Published: March 15, 1979
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It has generally been said that the trials of the Kamakura Shogunate treated "Rihi" (_??__??_) as a matter of great importance. However, on a thorough examination of the Kanto saikyojo (_??__??__??__??__??_) and the Rokuhara saikyojo (_??__??__??__??__??__??_) which were the rolls of the judgments of the Shogunate courts, we find that, in the trials of the Kamakura Shogunate, the cases decided without inquiring into its "Rihi", i. e. without trying substantially and deciding on the merits of the case, exist in quite a number, much more than we expected.
This paper deals with these cases which were not decided according to "Rihi" by extracting seven types of judgments thereof and examining each. They are:
1) judgments to suits concerned with
Nengu-shoto-mishin _??__??__??__??__??__??_,
2) judgments according to
Nenki-ho (_??__??__??_),
3) judgments based upon
Wayo (_??__??_),
4) iudements on
Meshibumi-ihai (_??__??__??__??_),
5) judgments on
Akko (_??__??_),
6) judgments on
Gechi-ihai (_??__??__??__??_),
7) judgments according to
Ando-gedai-ho (_??__??__??__??__??_),
As a result, the following conclusions have been attained.
In the first place, the Kamakura Shogunate was willing to decide the cases filed to the Shogunate courts by applying as it pleases the various principles of "Furon-Rihi" such as the seven types mentioned above.
Secondly, of the seven types of the judgments, certain cases belonging to 2), 3), and 4) were tried substantially and decided on the merits of the cases as exceptions. It may seem that the Shogunate had ultimately paid respect to the judgments according to "Rihi", but the truth is that it was not the case but meant quite the opposite. As is fully discussed in the text, the cases were tried substantially in order to perpetuate the fundamental principles of the Shogunate system itself, which were much more critical than each of the principles of "Furon-Rihi". In other words, it was the enforcement of the principles of the "Furon-Rihi" from a higher point of view.
The theory of the "Furon-Rihi" discussed above requires, at least, some adjustment to the traditional concept about the trials of the Kamakura Shogunate stated at the outset.
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Tsutomu ARAI
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
93-119,en8
Published: March 15, 1979
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The Governor-General of Korea promulgated the penal law of political crimes on April 15th 1919 against the independence movement of Korea that burst out on March 1st. The independence movement was never violent in general but excessively extensive, therefore the Government-General suppressed the movement without mercy by force, on the other hand enacted the law afresh to punish disorderly acts. The Governor-General exercised his legislative power without the interference of the Diet at home, and that law was not one of former police regulations but one of criminal laws to cope with the movement. The characteristics and the functions of the political penal law were as follows. 1 That law had the ambiguous provision, that is breach of public peace and order; it caught hold of most acts of the movement widely. 2 That law had the severe punishment, that is imprisonment with or without labor that might extend to 10 years; it menaced the people effectively. And it aggravated the punishments of former regulations all togather, so that any of them became invalid. 3 That law punished preparatory and conspiratorial acts; it prevented the movement previously. For its provision had the same legal composition as that of the high treason in the Japanese Penal Code of those days. 4 That law punished seditious acts; it magnified its force abnormally. 5 That law took the principle of personal jurisdiction; it prevented the infiltration of the movement from abroad.The political penal law that deviated from the criminal laws system in those days put pressure upon the independence movement of Korea, and then remained in effect to the destruction of the Government-General.
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
121-185
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
187-189
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
189-192
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
192-196
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
196-200
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
200-204
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
204-206
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
206-209
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
209-211
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
211-213
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
213-216
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
216-218
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
218-220
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
221-222
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
222-225
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
225-227
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
227-229
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
229-230
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
230-233
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[in Japanese]
1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
233-235
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
235-237
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
237-238
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
238-240
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
240-241
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
241-243
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
243-246
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
246-248
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
248-250
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
250-252
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
252-253
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
253-256
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
256-258
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
258-260
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
260-262
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
262-263
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
264-265
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
265-267
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
267-269
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
269-271
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
271-273
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
273-274
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
274-276
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
276-283
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
283-285
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
285-288
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1978 Volume 1978 Issue 28 Pages
288-292
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