The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how Austrian lawyers, especially those in private practice, reacted to the introduction of oral proceedings into Austrian court practice in the second half of the 19th century.
Since the French Revolution, modern European continental countries have regarded oral proceedings as one of the primary principles in establishing a modern code of civil procedure, supported by the liberal idea that in court an independent citizen should assert and prove his own rights in his own words, whereas trial judges should always remain neutral. This concept was embodied in the German Code of Civil Procedure in 1877.
In Austra, after several bills of liberal civil procedures had failed to pass, Franz Klein drafted the Code of Civil Procedure in 1895, which restricted the principle of oral proceedings and enforced the role of judges to accelarate the procedure and to uncover the truth. According to Klein, a civil procedure is considered a public welfare service, where the state should accompany the socially disadvantaged from the very beginning of the suit.
Some lawyers such as Adolf Wach, a leading German professor of civil procedural law, or Ignatz Kornfeld, Viennese lawyer in private practice, were against the new code as they were wary of excessive judicial control over the freedom of citizens.
The Association of Austrian Lawyers in private practice had continously demanded that the government institute a modern Code of Civil Procedure with oral proceeding in public court. Therefore the Association is often regarded as opposing the new Austrian Code.
However, studying the articles of legal periodicals, which were submitted by lawyers all over the country during this period, shows that many lawyers, particularly those practicing in provincial areas, were concerned about the idea of introducing oral proceedings long before Klein, in the context of their experience in practice. In regards to Klein's draft, they were against some stipulations that would have restricted them, such as limitations on attorney fees. In general, however, private practice lawyers made every effort to become accustomed to the new civil procedure.

This paper pays its attention to the relation of a magistrate who is located on the end of the governmental bureaucracy to his superior. With that in mind, I elucidate how did the magistrate cope with the criminal procedure in Qing Dynasty, and what kind of range did his choice spread through.
The way of the react of the magistrate on criminal procedure in Qing Dynasty is the report to the magistrate's superior, court trial, and the judgment of the penalty. According to the case to inflict a penalty on a criminal of a robbery and a theft case in "DanxinDang-an", when the case in itself was forged, and when the prospect of processing is formed, the magistrate not report to his superior. When a case occurred and the investigation started, he reported to his superior. Consider of the procedure of a retrial and a possibility of punishment by the ability of him to have not solved a theft case, for the background that he reported to his superior, there was the element that the magistrate is demanded from in the relations with his superior. The main point by the court trial is examination to a criminal and interested parties. The statement in the court is also stand on the relationship between the magistrate and his superior. For submit a report to his superior, he summarized statement with the consistency, and made the story that a interested relative could share. If it is an unnecessary case to report to his superior, he did not have to make the story, and it was not necessary to let a criminal admit the guilt.
About the judgment of the penalty, in the case of an own director case, although the "suodai-shidun" and the death penalty should depend on the codified norm, I cannot confirm that the magistrate depend on it. On the other hand, if it is a necessary case to report to his superior, I can confirm that he depended on the codified norm. Therefore, I think that it was the procedure that a magistrate performs for his superior to depend on the codified norm.
I am able to get the above knowledge from "DanxinDang-an". It is thought that it had universality fixed in China under the Qing Dynasty since this knowledge was read in main books of those days. However, on the other hand, law and the system that a bureaucrat should observe also existed in the criminal trial of those days. Based on the above editorial, I think the procedure in a criminal trial in those days and the way which the bureaucrat keeps law and the system, the bureaucrat did not depend on merely law and the system, he used the means that an appropriate result was provided. In this reasoning, the structure of the idea of the governmental bureaucracy that a superior person stands in the high rank and he can judge appropriately is reflected.
Seeing from the point of view that the choice which the magistrate has in a criminal trial, at first, there is a choice whether he report for his superior or processes by self discretion, to the next, it is thought that there were various choices including depending on law and the system. And all of them were administrative action of the officials, and the people existed as an object of a trial.

Die Schutzformen der Zisterzienserklöster gehören seit langem zu den wichtigsten Untersuchungsgegenständen der mittelalterlichen Geschichtsforschung; insbesondere in der deutschsprachigen Geschichtsforschung wurden sie häufig diskutiert. Die Grundlagen dafür schufen die Rechtshistoriker Hans Hirsch und Theodor Mayer, deren Ergebnisse nachkommende Forscher stark beeinflussen und mit drei Schwerpunkten verstanden werden können. In den früheren Diskussionen verband man jedoch das Phänomen >>Klosterschutz<< zu einfach mit der Intensivierung der Landesherrschaft. Die Schutzherren der Zisterzienser schützten die unter ihrer defensio stehenden Abteien zu Anfang nicht, um sie hierdurch in ihre Landesherrschaft einzubinden. Territorial und institutionell verfestigte Herrschaften entwickelten sich schrittweise und sind erst ab dem 14. Jahrhundert erfasst. Der vorliegende Aufsatz analysiert also die Schutzformen der Zisterzienserklöster im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert, die die bisherige Forschung nicht näher betrachtete.
Um sich dieser Problematik zu nähern, wird exemplarisch das Schutzverhältnis der in der Erzdiözese Trier gelegenen Zisterzienserklöster, nämlich Orval und Himmerod, behandelt. Durch die Analyse ihrer rechtlichen Beziehungen zu den Schutzherren im ersten Kapitel ist festzustellen, dass dort abgesehen von der episkopalen Jurisdiktionsgewalt des Trierer Erzbischofs keine schriftliche Regelung über das Rechtsverhältnis vorhanden ist. Es kann daher keine ausschließliche Stellung der Grafen von Chiny und der Erzbischöfe von Trier als Schutzherren konstatiert werden. Im Gegensatz dazu ergibt sich eine solche Stellung aus den im zweiten Kapitel analysierten religiösen Beziehungen zwischen den Klöstern und den genannten Schutzherren: Nur die Grafen von Chiny und die Erzbischöfe von Trier forderten von den Klöstern kontinuierlich Begräbnisse innerhalb der Klostermauern und Anniversarien durch die Mönche.
Im dritten Kapitel wird insbesondere die Vogteifrage der beiden Zisterzen betrachtet. Ein halbes Jahrhundert nach den Klostergründungen wurde die Vogtei eine Hauptursache von Streitigkeiten zwischen den Klöstern und lokalen Niederadligen. Da der Graf von Chiny wegen des Dynastiewechsels im Jahre 1226 und der Erzbischof wegen des trierischen Schismas (1183-1189) keinen effektiven Schutz leisten konnte, mussten die beiden Abteien Alternativen der Schutzherren suchen. Daraus ergibt sich die Zerbrechlichkeit des von der defensio ausgeprägten Schutzverhältnisses.
Aufgrund dieser Analyse sind die religiösen Leistungen der Zisterzienser hervorzuheben, mittels der sie den Ersatz der Schutzherren erzielen konnten. Dabei gelang den beiden Zisterzen, nicht nur die Landesherren, sondern auch lokale Grundherren bezüglich des Klosterschutzes in einen einheitlichen Rechtsgedanken einzubeziehen. Hier kann man eine rechts- bzw. verfassungsgeschichtliche Dynamik beobachten, die von der zisterziensischen Mönchsbewegung ausging.