Paul Laband begründete die Staatsrechtslehre als eine Disziplin der Jurisprudenz dadurch, daß er die juristische Methode in die Behandlung des Staatsrechts einführte, daß besonders er diese Methode auf die Auffassung des Staates selbst anwendete, daß also er die Auffassung des Staates als der juristischen Person konsequent durchführte.
In den Zeiten von Laband batten keine günstige Umstände für die juristische Behandlung des Staatsrechts gelegen. Erstens war es schwierig, das Staatsleben vom Gesichtspunkte des Öffentlichen aus zu erfassen, weil unter den feudalen Verhältnissen alles, ja sogar die Rechte des Fürsten oder der Landstände, grundsätzlich privatrechtlich erfasst wurde. Nach der Auflösung des Feudalsystems war es zweitens ein Zeitalter der Politik gekommen. Das dann ausgebrochene Öffentliche, oder, Speziell-Staatliche, wurde zwar von den Naturrechtslehren und den organistischen Staatsdenken erfasst und erörtert, aber nicht mit der juristischen Methode, sondern mit den politischen oder ethischen An-schauungsweisen.
Nach dem ersten Versuch von C.F. von Gerber führte Paul Laband die Jurisprudenzialisierung des Staatsrechts durch. Das wurde für Laband besonders durch zwei Umstände möglich gemacht. Erstens war mit dem Sillwerden der politischen Aufregung im Vormärz und in den Märzzeiten das Bewußtsein allmählich verfestigt, daß das Öffentliche, das speziell-Staatliche rechtlich erfasst und behandelt werden muß.
Zweitens war die juristische Methode im Gebiete des Zivilrechts von Savigny, Puchta usw. begründet und vertieft. Im Grunde war die juristische Methode der konsequente Versuch, die Rechtswissenschaft von den anderen Betrachtungsweisen unabhängig zu machen und autonom zu machen, und dabei alles Rechtliches auf die Willensbeziehung zwischen autonomen Rechtssubjekten zurückzuführen oder auf die autonome Willensäußerungen der Rechtssubjekte zurückzuführen. Was ergab sich nun, wenn man diese juristische Methode auf den Stoat und das Staatsleben anwendete? Das Staatsrecht sollte den Staat als das Rechtssubjekt in seinen Willensäußerungen entweder in sich selbst oder in de Beziehungen mit den einzelnen Staatsbürgern erfassen und behandeln.
Diese von Paul Laband durchgeführte Theorie des Staates als juristischer Person hatte nach zwei Richtungen soziale Funktion gehabt. Erstens behauptete diese Theorie die Undurchdringlichkeit der Staatsperson als solcher und schloß dadurch den Gedanken der demokratischen Mitgestaltung des Staates durch die einzelnen Staatsbürger aus und ließ den Monarch als den dennoch unvermeidlichen Träger des Staates allein diese Staatsperson repräsentieren. In dieser Richtung wirkte sie undemokratisch. Zweitens erkannte diese Theorie......wenn sie logisch durchdenkt.........die Rechtssubjektivität der einzelnen Staatsbürger gegenüber dem Staat an und damit schaffte die Grundlage für die Anerkennung der subjektiven öffentlichen Rechte. In dieser Richtung wirkte sie liberal, rechtschützend.
Wenn man diese zwei Richtungen zusammen berücksichtigt, kann man etwa so sagen, daß Paul Laband mit seiner Theorie zur formellen Rationalisierung des Staatslebens beitrug.
Formell: weil diese Theorie die Substanz des Staates (Monarch) unberiihrt gelassen hatte.
Formell: weil sie ihre Interesse ausschließlich auf die Form der Staatstätigkeit konzentriert hatte.

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‘Tsugi-fumi’ was one of the official documents, which appeared and mainly acted in the latter half of the Heian period. The distinctive feature of Tsugi-fumi revealed itself in its own form; papers related with each other such as Gebumi (_??__??_, a written application), Kanmon (_??__??_, a report submitted) or Kanpu (_??__??_, a paper recording a government ordinance) were jointed together into one longer document, when they were supplied for practice of government affairs. This Tsugi-fumi, as well as other forms of documents, was accumulated in the Dajokan (_??__??__??_, the government office) and carried its function as a precedent, especially in the case of Shokoku-joji-sadame (_??__??__??__??__??_, the discussion by court nobles on several applications from the provincial governors). This feature shows that Tsugi-fumi was the original form of ‘precedent’. We can see some models of it; as called Chikararyo (_??__??__??_)—, Kageyushi(_??__??__??__??_)— Kan (_??_) Tsugi-fumi etc., in the Choyagunsai (_??__??__??__??_) or diaries written by nobles.
It can be said that Tsugi-fumi had made its appearance toward the end of Engi (_??__??_) era. From this era, the administration of the state, based on the basic codes of Ritsu and Ryo, became liable to be under blind submission to precedents; while court ceremonies became matters of the greatest interest to central officials. It is now generally understood that in the Engi era, the centralized-state began to be ruined and to limit its sphere of influence on the aristocratic society in the Miyako. Nevertheless, from the standpoint of administrative system carrying out the routine events, we have to recognize the mechanism of Dajokan, which all the time maintained its essential functions.
This small thesis, discussing the treatment of official documents, shall analyse one aspect of Dajokan-administration system in the decline of Ritsuryo State. Tsugi-fumi itself did not play a great role in the political society, but the observation of it will surely supply us a certain side of Dajokan system.

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My chief opinions in this Paper are as follows:—
(1) I assume that the context of "Saikyu-ki" quoted in "Seiji-yoryaku" is the most early and exact context of "'Saikyu-ki" which was published by Minamotono Takaakira.
(2) It is obvious that the present published "Saikyu-ki" is not the original context by Minamotono Takaakira, but the partly or wholelly rearranged or revised by some one.
(3) I would like to survey that the statement in "Nosaki-hobeiryobo" (especially in Kinryo-jussho) shows obviously the differences between Saikyu-ki in the old context and in the present existing context. There-fore, we can assume the range of the date during which the differences occurred, using these different contexts as the key to solve the problem.
(4) In this way, we can say that ten mausolea in "Saikyu-ki" in the old context are all as the same as those in the age from December, the eighth year of Tenryaku (954) to December, the first year of Koho (964).
(5) Therefore, from the above description, we can say that the context of "Saikyu-ki" concerned with the ten mausolea was written during the ten years mentioned above, that is to say, in the forties of Dainagon Takaakira.
(6) From the above point of view, it is also necessary to recognize that though "Seiji-yoryaku" was compiled twenty years after the death of Takaakira, this "Seiji-yoryaku" faithfully quoted the original context of "Saikyu-ki" which had been written before the first year of Koho.
(7) On the other side, the ten mausolea in "Saikyu-ki" of the present published context coincide with those of the year from December, the first year of Kanna (985) to December, the eighth year of Kanko (1011)
(8) Therefore, the above concerned part of "Saikyu-ki" of the present published context was rewritten according to the actual circumstances of those day, I assume.

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The paper submitted by the present writer deals the historical data for investigation of Ezochi (Hokkaido) in 1857—'59. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the Tokugawa Shogunate reinforced political and economical regulation in Ezochi.
Under the shogunal government, the magistrates and the mandataries at Hakodate carried out their policy by means of the patrols around Ezochi. The documents owned by the Hokkaido Government Office (_??__??__??__??_) are the diaries of those patrols around Ezochi in 1857—'59. These data are highly valuable in explaining the shogunal policy toward Ezochi in those days.

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For the purpose of studying the Japanese local administration in prewar times, it is important to analyze the substance of "a model village." Because it is one of materials for history which can represent the constitutional and functional characteristcs of the Japanese prewar administrative system.
It is well known that "a model village" was founded on the idea of service to the State, the Empire of Japan. It was expected, of course, by the state authorities to be a foundation for establishing a thorough system of state regimentation. It was also, in fact, the functional barricade against the democratic reforms, i. e. the achievement of the real principle of local government as the result of popular demand and pressure.
From this point of view, in this report I am going to introduce the case of "Yodo village" (_??__??__??_) in Ehime prefecture.
By the way, Prof. Edwin O. Reischauer in his treatise "Japan—Past and Present (fifteenth printing, 1972, p.157) " has written the following—"The political and intellectual liberalism of the 1920's was for the most part limited to the cities.
Peasants and residents of the thousands of villages and small towns, who still constituted the bukl of the population, looked on at what was happening in the cities with wonderment and often with disapproval; (and they) found it impossible to accept or even to tolerate the growing challenge to established political and social authority."
My report will be more or less related to the above suggestion given by Prof. Reischauer.

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