After the fall of the Berlin Wall, German reunification advanced faster than anyone had anticipated. On 3 October 1990, East Germany acceded to the West. In this article, we analyze the mechanics and implications of the process of German reunification in the field of education. For the sake of convenience, we classify three periods:
1. The period of the two countries
2. The period between the fall of the ‘Wall’ and reunification
3. The period after reunification
In the first period, we survey the features of the education systems of the two countries, making comparisons and summarizing their distinguishing characteristics and quoting from the researches of Professor Oskar Anweiler.
In the second period, we follow the processes of trends in educational matters in East Germany after the fall of the ‘Wall’ and give a detailed description of theimportant factors. It becomes clear that the reform of socialism ended in failure. Both countries reached an agreement that fundamentally the reconstruction of the East German educational system should be modelled on that of West Germany. We also refer to and compare, for example, the question of German language/literature school-leaving examinations before and after the fall of the ‘Wall’. We also introduce the results of a questionnaire given to pupils and teachers in June 1990.
In the third period, we analyze the development of education and research after reunification. In each federal state of what was East Germany, educational administration was structured and laws concerning education provided by taking the West German system as a model. Many laws are still tentative. When the primary and secondary education systems were being reorganized, many states wanted to introduce the West German, or multi-track system. However, many parents and teachers opposed this plan, so as a result three states decided to introduce institutions which integrated the Hauptschule (secondary general school) and the Realschule (intermediate school). With regard to teachers, there are many problems to be solved, for example, dismissal, training, certification, etc. In higher education, the reorganization of institutions and faculties is currently being planned and undertaken.
In conclusion, we express our thoughts on the implications of German reunification from the standpoint of the education system.

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Margaret C. Griffis (1838-1913) is one of the original group of foreign women employed by the early Meiji Government. She stayed in Japan for two years (1872-1874), and taught English at Tokyo Jogakko, Japan's first government school for girls.
Studies of William Elliot Griffis, one of the most famous YATOI in Meiji Japan refer to his sister Margaret (more often called Maggie) as a good helper, though she is depicted as a secondary figure. Furthermore, few works on the history of women's education in Japan mention her, partly because of her relatively short stay in Japan and partly because of a scarcity of materials concerning her.
I made efforts to trace her educational activities during her stay here using her journals and letters sent to her sisters back home in Philadelphia, and I wrote a paper titled, Margaret C. Grif fis and the Education of Women in Early Meiji Japan, in 1987.
In the summer of 1989, I went to Rutgers University Alexander Library to find more materials concerning Maggie, and found a manuscript written by William Elliot Griffis. It was already neatly typed by the grand-daughter of W. E. Grif f is, Mrs. K. G. M. Johnson who wrote a memo saying that Manuscript wapped in brown paper was written by him “Scratch MSS M. C. G. May 31 1924”. It was obvious that he was aiming to write a biography of his sister. There are seventy-six pages of A4-size paper, typed by Mrs.Johnson from the manuscript.
In this paper, I aim to introduce some of the main features of Maggie as writen in this manuscript; these will make clear what kind of family environment, school education, or career experiences she had before coming to Japan. This paper consists of eight chapters: 1) Introduction 2) Intention to write a biography 3) The Relationship between Maggie's ability in international understanding and her environment when young: influences of rivers and boats-good memories of Irish laborers 4) Influences of home education 5) Influences of school education and self-culture 6) Career experiences 7) Maggie's view of girls' education 8) Conclusion.

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The structural revolution of secondary education carried out during the 1960s in Europe was both remarkable and large-scale. The development of the comprehensive school in England and the “Gesamtschule” in Deutschland are typical examples.
Systems of secondary education were separated into three of four lines.
Many countries succeeded in opening of more avenues to higher education and created more freedom of movement among secondary education.
In Switzerland, there were many opinions about reforms of the school system. It was impossible to coordinate the various sch000l systems owing to the strong local autonomy. But we can find some common factors in the process of reforms ; These can be identified as follows: 1) Structural changes in the “Sekundarstute I” 2) Introduction of a “Beobachtungsstufe” 3) Experimental trial of the “Gesamtschule”.
This study aims to examine the coordination within and between cantons, focusing primarily on the reform of the “Sekundarstufe I.” The study consists of the following subjects.
1. Educational movements in secondary schools throughout the world.
2. The promotion of coordination and its limits.
3. Problems of “Sekundarstufe I”.
4. Practical reforms in secondary schools.

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This paper aims to elucidate the effects and implications for China of higher education and overseas study. For this purpose 1, 333 leaders in various fields who completed higher education and/or studied abroad have been extracted from persons listed in a “Who's Who in China” published by Shanghai Dictionary Publishing Company in 1989, and their school career and professional experiences analyzed.
Ragarding schooling within China, 924 people (68.5%) are graduates of ordinary universities and colleges, followed by 204 (15.1%) graduates of some military institutions and 115 (8.5%) graduates of Communist Party schools and cadre training schools. As far as their academic specialities are concerned, those who studied engineering are the most numerous, amounting to 230 (17.2%). In contrast to China's strong image of a “super-gerontocracy”, many leaders are college graduates of the post-liberation era and the rejuvenation of various leaders has gradually been taking place. Generally speaking, what emerges is an image of leaders with knowledge and skills in science and technology, unlike the traditional image of Chinese leaders, who were inclined to be dominated by the literati.
What deserves special mention is the fact as many as 309 people (23.2%) have experience of studying abroad. Judging from the country to which they went, there has been a clear “shift of center” according to the period, i.e. from Japan to the US, then from the US to the Soviet Union. Today one can clearly see the outcome of studying in the Soviet Union during the 1950s.
Analyzing the professional careers taken up by these leaders and their academic specialities, the largest number have taken administrative or governmental jobs, and economics seems to be considered the most important discipline for a future bureaucrat. There are a few cases of mismatches but most of the bureaucrats with training in technology and agriculture as their academic background have been skilfully allotted to relevant posts. Party schools and cadre schools have played an important role in training those engaged in party-related jobs. Furthermore, among college professors, researchers, engineers, journalists, elementary and secondary school teachers, military personnel and judicial officers, there is also a high degree of coincidence between the academic speciality and subsequent professional career. Thus the effects of planned training and planned job allotment can be clearly recognized. In particular, the degree of coincidence of the administrative content of the work of Ministers and Vice-ministers with their past academic speciality is much higher than in Japan.

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Ethnic minorities account for 5.1% of the population of England and Wales. Of this, people of Bangladeshi origin make up only 4.2%. Nevertheless, their number has been growing rapidly in recent years, and closer attention is being paid to the poor living conditions of Britain's Bangladeshi population and the scholastic underachievement of their children. Studies that elucidate the educational problems of Bangladeshi children in Britain are useful both from the standpoint of improving educational provisions that affect Bangladeshi and other ethnic minority children in Britain and from the perspective of developing provisions that will enhance the education of children from other countries living in Japan.
This paper, first provides factual data on the underachievement of Bangladeshi children in Britain, such as their scores on CSE and GCE-0 level examinations, drawing on a report by the Inner London Education Authority (ILEA). It, then, focuses on the causes of underachievement based on a report by the Home Affairs Committee. It finds that the main reasons for underachievement are the language handicap, poor living conditions, racial hostility, and parental ignorance of the British educational system.
Next, it discusses measures being taken by the government, local education authorities, and Bangladeshi communities themselves to overcome this underachievement problem. On one hand, Bangladeshi communities want to educate their children in their own community schools mainly for religious reasons and are seeking “voluntary-aided status” for these schools to obtain government subsidies, while, on the other hand, they wish to send their children to maintained schools so as to expose them to British culture and enhance their employment opportunities. Though the government has suggested some measures for the Local Education Authorities to take, it has not implemented any concrete policy. ILEA has adopted some compromise policies such as recruiting some bilingual teachers from Bangladesh.

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The main aim of this paper is to analyze the reasons why the magnet school system is more attractive than other choice-based systems, i.e. educational voucher and tax credit systems for tuition.
Offering a distinctive curriculum based on a special theme or method of instruction, magnet schools are attractive to both parents and children. They now constitute a form of choice among public-sector schools, but originally emerged as a spontaneous response to “forced busing”.
Compared to educational voucher and tax credit systems, the clear merits of the magnet school system are as follows:(1) While educational voucher and tax credit systems are attractive to middle-class parents because they reduce tax liability for those choosing private schools, magnet schools with their aim of offering desegregated education were introduced in a planned way by school districts. They are therefore able to avoid the danger of benefiting only white middle-class families and are supported by a broad range of races and social classes.
(2) Because magnet schools are controled by school boards, there is no danger of confusion arising as a result of school choice, in other words, there is no danger of the school closing because of insufficient pupils or because of dependency on a single source of income as with educational vouchers.
(3) Magnet schools benefit from close and co-operative relationships between boards of education, teachers and community groups in a way that other schools do not. These good relationships lead to better school administration and a favorable climate.
In conclusion, the magnet school system is expected to accomplish its aims of equality and the pursuit of excellence. However, there are still problems. There is a danger that the magnet schools will create differences between one public-sector school and other in terms of the education that pupils receive or that differences will arise in the pursuit of desegregation or the pursuit of quality as a result of differences in the ‘magnet themes’.

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The number of students from Malaysia has, in recent years, rapidly increased, making Malaysia the most highly represented of ASEAN countries in Japanese Universities. In this paper, I will focus on the flow pattern of students from Malaysia to Japan. By examining, primarily, push factors (conditions of home countries which influence students' interest to study abroad) and pull factors (conditions of host countries which attract students), I will endeavor to clarify why increasing numbers of Malaysian students are choosing to study in Japan.
However, study of the push factor in Malaysia and the pull factor in Japan as it compares with three other host countries (e. g. Britain, Australia, United States) revealed that push and pull factors alone cannot be viewed as sufficient criteria for explaining why and where students undertake study abroad. Contextual factors between home and host countries are also highly pertinent, and so I have concluded two in this study ; one is the ‘econnection’ or ‘linkage’ factor, or that which connects relations between the specific home country and the specific host country, and another is the ‘block’ or ‘obstacle’ factor, or that which prevents students from studying in a specific country.
In my hypothetical framework, one who studies abroad goes through the following series of steps; First, he or she is affected by the push factor in his or her home country, and then by pull factors in a number of host countries. Connection and block factors then come into play, and finally, the student chooses the country which he or she deems most suitable for his or her purpose.
Push factor variables in Malaysia include a lack of adequate higher education facilities, especially for students from minority ethnic groups, the employment opportunities which holding a foreign degree affords, and the administration which many Malaysians have for the ‘unknown world’ which lies beyond Malaysia' s shores, especially that of developed countries. Variables of the pull factor in Japan include a relative abundance of academic facilities coupled with a high quality of education and a concerted effect among education officials to make study in Japan appealing to foreign students. Connection factor variables include the Look East Policy, increased economic linkage via heightened Japanese investment in Malaysian companies, and increased recognition of the Japanese University degrees by Malaysian government.Block factors include an unfamiliarity of Japanese language and society among Malaysians, differences in the two countries' educational systems, and the high cost of living in Japan.
The framework I propose in this paper, makes it possible to explain why increasing numbers of Malaysian students are coming to study in Japan. It also demonstrates that not only pull factor variables but also connection factor variables significantly influence students decisions on where to undertake study abroad. Few significant differences in pull factors were seen among four countries. We must therefore recognize that increases or decreases in connection factor and block factor variables will directly influence the number of students coming to study in Japan.

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This article aims to clarify the formation and contents of the plan for the establishment of the Bakufu English College, and its failure. The documents used in this article were collected during recent visits to England.
Firstly, I describe how the plan for the College was first suggested by Sir Harry Parkes, British Minister in Japan, and drawn up against the background of the dynamics of the Western impact on the Bakufu and their perception of comtemporary international relations. I point out that Ernest Satow, the interpreter for the British Legation, played an important role in formulating the English College's plan for the study of the English language and of sciences cultivated in Europe.
Secondly, given the contributions made by Parkes and Satow to the planning of the College, I examine the British influence on the proposed College. By means of an analysis of the available documents and Satow' s memoirs, it is clear that the planned College was modelled on the English Public School.
Thirdly, I examine the implementation stage of the original plan, and in particular the employment of teachers. Documents held at the Public Record Office reveal that the British Foreign Office made efforts to identify teachers for the College; Lord Edward Stanley, Foreign Minister asked Dr. Frederick Temple, Headmaster of Rugby School, to locate a competent person who might be disposed to undertake the position of Headmaster and could then be usefully entrusted with the selection of teachers to be employed under him; Temple failed to find men he could recommend mainly due to the employment opportunities in England and India for men of education competent to undertake the proposed duties in Japan. Lastly, I discuss the implications which the proposed Bakufu English College and its failure had for the Bakumatu and Meiji period of history in terms of the British influence upon Japanese Education.

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This article examines how the national characteristics (political, economic and cultural) affect the time allocation of language subjects (national language and foreign language) in the primary school curriculum. First, it reviews two rival models (the functionalist/modernization theory and the world system/dependency theory) which have been developed to explain the expansion of primary education throughout the world. Then, it shows mean percentages and variations in the time allocation rate (percentage of instructional time devoted to each subject) for two periods (1950-55 and 1980-85). Finally, a series of multivariate analyses shows that some of the national characteristics become significant for the 1980-85 period.
The major findings can be summarized as follows;
(1) For the national language subject, the mean percentage is large (30%) and the standard deviation relatively small in the two periods. This universality of time allocation in the national language subject across diverse countries (regions) of the world would seem to provide little support for the idea that the national language reflects national patterns.
(2) For the foreign language subject, the mean percentage is very small (5%) but the standard deviation very large. Relatively new countries such as many in Africa show more time in the foreign language subject. These results support the view that incorporation of a foreign language in the primary school curriculum is dependent on the former colonizers of the country concerned.
(3) In the 1950-55 period, the effects of national characteristics become insignificant for both languages. So after omitting extreme values, the presence of a large labor force in agriculture expects a negative influence on the national language.
(4) In the 1980-85 period, the effects of national patterns become significant for both languages. The results indicate that countries that had a low parcentage oftheir labor force in agriculture and a high degree of ethnolinguistic fractionalization are most likely to increase the distribution of the national language subject. And those countries that became independent during 1900-44 and after 1960 are likely to institutionalize a foreign language in the primary school curriculum.
These results confirm the functionalist/modernization theory for the national language subject and the world system/dependency theory for the foreign language subject.

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This paper firstly analyzes the relationship between the level of tuition fees and the characteristics defining university quality in Japanese private universities, secondly, compares these results with other research findings gained from a study of U. S. private universities, and finally, examines the differences in higher education policy conerning private university tuition in the two countries, Japan and the U. S.
An empirical analysis uses data related to the following university characteristics: tuition fees, admission selectivity, age of the institution, enrollment, number of faculty members, student/teacher ratio, and an additional six variables. A simple correlation is calculated using these twelve variables, and the tuition fee is regressed on admission selectivity. The results show that in Japanese private universities, tuition fees are positively correlated with selectivity; there is no correlation between tuition fees and the number of students enrolled; and the higher the tuition fees, the larger, strangely enough, the number of students per faculty. Regression analysis gives a figure for marginal tuition revenue in four ‘gakubu’(schools); 3, 781 yen in the School of Literature, meaning that the school can expect 3, 781 yen revenue increase per student as the selectivity goes up by an additional one unit; 5, 106 yen in the School of Economics; 11, 193 yen in the School of Engineering; and minus 93, 875 yen in the School of Medicine.
The research results show that the more prestigious the school, the more expensive its tuition in both countries. This can be called the “market mechanism” in higher education, whereby the stronger the demand and the better the quality are, the higher the price (tuition fees). This market mechanism, however, comes into conflict with the social need for highly talented manpower and an equal opportunity policy, because the abler students are likely to be more reluctant to go to presitious colleges and universities, where they will have to pay higher tuition fees. American system resolves this conflict through its strong and varied scholarship programs, while in Japan with its poorer scholarship programs, there is still a problem about providing equal opportunity in higher education.

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The German education system, with its tripartite structure and selection after the 4th school year, has long provoked criticism. The ‘eorientation stage’(Orientierungsstufe) was regarded as a remedy for this premature selection, but it is still a controversial issue in the Federal Republic of Germany. This article focuses on the orientation stage introduced in grades 5 and 6 in the 1970s and examines its function of obviating the worst effects of selection after four school years.
The idea of the orientation stage was put forward by the German Education Council (Deutscher Bildungsrat) in 1970. Its basic outlines were laid down by the Standing Conference of State (Land) Education Ministers (KMK) in 1974, and significantly this agreement provided that the orientation stage could be in two forms, i. e. either ‘independent’ of the type of school to be attended later (schulformunabhangige Orientierungsstufe) or ‘dependent’ on the various school types at lower secondary level (schulformabhangige Orientierungsstufe).
The orientation stage serves as a two-year flexible stage between primaryand secondary schools and aims at orientation, support and experimentation instead of a premature commitment to a subsequent course of education. However, the two forms of the orientation stage pursue the purpose in different ways. The characteristics of each form become clear through examination of the provisions and results of various researches: the ‘independent’ form of the orientation stage has alleviated the worst effects of selection compared with that at 10, while the function of the ‘dependent’ form has largely remained rudimentary. Nevertheless, statistically most pupils who attended the orientation stage in 1989 in West Germany were in the ‘dependent’ form.
The reason for this decline must be seen in the fact that the Lander are autonomous in educational matters and that developments in the orientation stage are reflected in the relative strengths of the two major parties, which are often opposed on educational policy. As a result, the controversy about the introduction of the orientation stage tends to contain a largely political rather than a pedagogical element.
The orientation stage seems unsuccessful as a structural reform, but it at least contributed to disseminating the curriculum and quality of lessons among different types of secondary schools. It can be seen as a sign that the German education system is also promoting a kind of ‘comprehensive schooling’ and is trying to improve premature selection by increasing transfer possibilities.

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