International student mobility is expanding throughout the world with the advancement of globalization, and the recruitment marketplace for international students is becoming competitive even among Asian countries. The development of international student recruitment plans, which aim to draw 300,000 students to Japan and 200,000 to South Korea, is in progress. Both Japan and Korea had to improve the international student recruitment process and support systems in order to resolve problems such as illegal overstaying and unfavorable reputations of their higher education institutions among other countries. These issues occurred due to the rapid increase of international students while Japan and Korea each implemented a 100,000 international students plan.
In Japan, problems concerning international students and Japanese language institutes are recently reported, as their working hours exceed the upper limit of the permitted working time and the institutes overlook it. It is a worrisome possibility that the negative impact felt during the influx of international students under the 100,000 international students plan will repeat. It is important to review the problems and policies of the 100,000 international students plan to avoid recurring issues.
This study analyzes the 100,000 international students plan of both Japan and Korea. The overarching goal is to develop some prescriptive implications to improve the quality of hosting international students. First, the authors describe the background, problems, and policies of the Japanese and Korean 100,000 international students plans. Second, each country’s factors, which affected the quality of hosting international students, are examined. Third, the quality control systems of institutions hosting international students in Japan and Korea are compared. Finally, policy implications from the results of the analysis are drawn.
In Japan, the 100,000 international students plan was launched in 1983 to support the growth of human resources in developing countries. Most international students who came to study in Japan first learned Japanese at private language institutes before entering higher education institutions. Many low-quality language institutes were established by private companies that wanted to recruit students for manpower supply, causing quality problems. The Japanese government tried to solve those problems through visa restrictions and Association for the Promotion of Japanese Language Education was established to accredit language institutes. As a result, although the quality of language institutes improved, the number of institutes and international students decreased. Later international student numbers began increasing again after the government relaxed visa regulations in the latter half of the 1990s. Japan achieved its numerical target with the 100,000 international students plan in 2003, but the reforms caused quality problems and the retightening of visa restriction began to decrease the number of international students again.
In Korea, an educational services deficit triggered a quantitative expansion plan to attract international students. The Study Korea Project, initiated in 2004, was designed to increase the number of international students. However, the rapid expansion of the project caused problems such as illegal overstaying and inability to adapt, leading Korean higher education to develop a negative reputation overseas. The government prepared regulatory standards for universities to admit international students; however, these standards were not effective as they were non-binding. The government began checking universities that had problems with hosting international students and implemented visa restrictions against them. After trials of punitive policies toward such universities, the government decided to launch a new quality control (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
The purpose of this study is to clarify the functions of the special entrance examination system regarding the inequality of educational opportunities for foreign students at high school, focusing on conflicts of administration and high schools arising at the time of introduction. For this purpose, this study examines the situation of the selection of entrants and in-school education support of the special entrance examination system of Hyogo Prefecture, Japan. The definition of foreign students in this paper includes not only foreign nationals, but also Japanese students who have roots in foreign countries. When nationality is important in the discussion, this study uses the term of “students of foreign nationalities.”
In recent years, the number of foreign students wishing to go to Japanese high schools has been increasing. However, transition rates of foreign students from junior high school to high school are still lower than those of Japanese students. Therefore, in view of the fact that the number of foreign students living in Japan tends to increase further, advancement to high school becomes an important educational issue. Recently, in response to this situation, a special entrance examination system is expected to raise the high school transition rates of foreign students. Previous studies focused on municipalities and high schools that provide generous support, and analyzed support systems and functions. However, these have not fully considered conflicts associated with the implementation of the special entrance examination system. In general, high schools select students by unified entrance examination, but the special entrance examination system reverses its premise. For this reason, this paper considers that conflicts between administration and high schools arising at the time of the system introduction could affect the functions of the special entrance examination system.
The findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, by introducing the system, foreign students with lower Japanese language ability than Japanese students can advance to high school. However, students who have lower Japanese language proficiency tend to fail the examination because of the test’s focusing on Japanese ability. In fact, students with poor ability in the Japanese language failed in the entrance examination of X high school, because the targets of the special entrance examination system are those students “within 3 years of coming to Japan”. Therefore, the administration needs to increase the number of the admission quota, and the entrance exam should focus on the students’ backgrounds or future prospects, rather than the academic ability test as is strongly influenced by Japanese language ability. In addition, there are 54 students of Japanese nationality who need Japanese language education in Hyogo prefecture’s junior high school in 2017. However, students who do not have any nationality except Japanese nationality cannot apply to this special entrance examination system. Moreover, there is another problem caused by the location of the high schools. In fact, the number of candidates for Y high school whose location is somewhat inconvenient is below the admission quota for the second consecutive year. Basically, the number of examinees is biased for each high school. In other words, students who cannot choose anything other than X high school or the popular school are forced to compete more fiercely. In order to solve these problems, the administration needs to increase the number of high schools with the special entrance examination system and to expand the qualification of candidates.
Secondly, the school support system fundamentally contributes to the school adaptation and enhancement of learning experience of the students. On the other hand, however, they tend to depend on individual students’ efforts, because the school (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
The massification of Chinese higher education not only has a significant effect on the expansion of opportunities to enter university, but has also influenced the development of and diversity within the Chinese higher education system. This is evident in its structures, purposes, institutional types, and talent cultivation functions and priorities. During this development, we note that a new institutional type, so called the “Independent Colleges”, was established in 1998. These independent colleges are an instructional innovation established by public universities (so-called parent universities) using private funds. Since their introduction, independent colleges have played an important role in terms of “propelling the development of Chinese higher education”, “responding to university educational demand”, and so on.
On the other hand, questions regarding the tendency for such parent-child relationships to weaken each independent college’s mission have been neglected. Combined with the problem of their perceived poor quality, the significance of the existence of independent colleges is not clear. Considering this matter, it is necessary to assess independent colleges based on closer attention to issues of quality and the transmission of institutional characteristics from parent universities. However, little is known about these independent colleges regarding quality assurance practices and differentiation within the sector. How to negotiate a functional relationship with the parent university while maintaining a distinct educational mission and guarantee of autonomy in independent colleges, in addition to protecting the quality of their educational provision, are some of the most important issues in Chinese higher education.
Thus, the aim of this paper is to explore the significance of Chinese independent colleges based on student survey data collected in 2014, in Fujian Province, China. Furthermore, the paper discusses some useful implications that can play a role in the development and future of Chinese independent colleges. To achieve this, I focusing on two perspectives of quality assurance and differentiation. First, I approached the problem from the perspective of two practitioners, based on an analysis of “who” (the practitioner), does “what” (the evaluation index), and “how they do it” (the means), to clarify how the government and the institution undertake quality assurance activities. Simultaneously, I explored the effects of these activities in terms of: “whether a unique educational mission has been set” and “whether the goal of this mission have been achieved”, through the survey of student satisfaction and goal achievement. Then regarding the second perspective, to assess the level of differentiation from the parent university, I use the same indicators to examine efforts related to “applied human resources” and student satisfaction from general universities and key universities.
The findings of this paper can be summarized as follows, revealing the significance of the existence of independent colleges.
Firstly, regarding the problem of “quality”, it was clarified that most students at independent colleges recognize that they are to be trained as “holistic human resources”, in accordance with the main mission of independent colleges. Furthermore, even though they may be inadequate in the provision of skill-based or practical knowledge, educational programs are being positively evaluated by most students attending an independent college. These findings are potentially evidence of the positive effects of independent colleges’ efforts to develop their reforms focusing on aspects such as “curriculum organization”, “specialized setting”, and “organization of faculty” to shape their own unique characteristics. In short, based on these analyses of “mission” and (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
The purpose of this paper is to examine the relation between the establishment of university and Nation State in Indonesia after independence focusing on two universities, namely, Gadjah Mada University, UGM: Universitas Gadjah Mada, and Indonesian Islamic University, UII: Universitas Islam Indonesia in Yogyakarta.
During the era when countries were colonized by European settlers, higher education institutions were founded to provide specialized education that was required by colonial authorities. In Indonesia, several schools such as a medical school, law school, and engineering school were founded by the Dutch colonial rulers at the beginning of the 20th century. After Indonesia’s declaration of independence in 1945, the Dutch returned to Indonesia to reoccupy it and integrated the aforementioned schools to establish the Universitet van Indonesie; the former UI (Universitas Indonesia).
In order to grasp the entire historical background of Indonesian higher education, it is necessary, in conjunction with the UI, to consider the universities founded by the elite pribumi (native people), who had studied at modern higher education institutions during the colonial era and were involved in the formation of the new state following independence.
In contrast to UI, in Jakarta, which was based on colonial heritage, the two universities in Yogyakarta were founded by the elite pribumi before 1950, when Yogyakarta was the capital city of the Republic of Indonesia. Originally, both universities were private universities that had different foundation groups, however, the both universities contributed to establish the national higher education institutions.
After the late 1950s, the national transfer of private universities took place in various places in Indonesia. Therefore, the nationalization of two private universities in Yogyakarta immediately after independence was a pioneering attempt.
In order to examine how the two universities in Yogyakarta were related to Nation State after independence of Indonesia, the following is clarified in this article.
1) The two universities contributed to the foundation of higher education institutions, especially in the fields of education and religion in Indonesia.
In 1946, the UGM was a private university that had only opened a Faculty of Literature and a Faculty of Law. However, it was later integrated with higher education institutions that had been managed by several ministries and agencies of the Republic of Indonesia and became a national university in 1949. UII, on the contrary, was a private university, which established four faculties, namely, the Faculty of Religion, Faculty of Education, Faculty of Law, and Faculty of Economics in 1948.
After 1950, when the Faculty of Literature, Education and Philosophy was established, UGM accepted the nationalization of the Faculty of Education at the UII, which provided education in general knowledge and academic subjects in conjunction with Islamic religion. In other words, when establishing the faculty responsible for nationwide professional educational training, UGM respected pedagogy based on Islam, rather than a Western European educational model of modern schools that had been established during the colonial era.
Furthermore, UII also nationalized the Faculty of Religion and it became the National Islamic Religious College, the PTAIN (Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri). The purpose of the PTAIN was to train religious professionals providing Islamic religious knowledge in conjunction with general academic subjects.
Therefore, the two universities contributed to establish national higher education institutions, especially in education and religious specialties which offered academic education through both (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)