The aim of this research is to explore the challenges of mainstreaming as inclusive education through case study in Scotland. As a result of the conclusion of the Salamanca statement which aims to include all pupils in mainstream classes and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, establishing inclusive educational systems has become a trend throughout the world. However, there is no clear definition of inclusive education and each country constructs its inclusive educational system depending on their historical and cultural backgrounds. In Scotland, since its parliament was founded, the government has promoted mainstreaming as inclusive education, which makes all pupils go to mainstream schools regardless of special educational needs. By virtue of promotion, the number of pupils in special schools are decreasing and previous research deals with the Scottish case as good practice in inclusive education. However, in the survey of this research, it turned out that teachers faced the challenge of including pupils with Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) such as any kind of abuse or neglect. This research focuses on pupils with ACEs and educational systems and practice around these pupils for exploring the challenges of Scottish inclusive education.

  For collecting data, we review government documents which are related to inclusive education in Scotland, and conducted an online questionnaire and interview survey with teachers experienced in promoting mainstreaming as inclusive education. This research analyses the data of two teachers who worked at primary schools and have worked as teachers for over 15 years.

  As a result of document review, ACEs were found to have been neglected in Scotland until recently. These days, the government suggested the importance of decreasing of any risks which stem from ACEs. For example, to prevent ACEs, they recommend (someone) to intervene in abuse, and if it has already occurred, ask schools for support for pupils with such experiences. They recognized that all pupils have risks to have ACEs and we need to set up support systems to achieve this. Thus, all pupils who have educational needs are assessed, and schools establish support networks to respond their needs. However, all pupils with ACEs can choose supporters such as social workers and medical doctors by themselves.

  In analysing data from our interview survey, this research focused on three aspects: (1) what is the teachers’ perception on pupils with ACEs, (2) how teachers support pupils with ACEs and (3) what are the challenges to include pupils with ACEs into mainstream schools.

  First, teachers recognize ACEs and have experience to educate such pupils. Pupils learned in mainstream classes based on government recommendation; however, teachers thought that they could not respond to pupils’ needs and that pupils could not communicate with other pupils in mainstream classes. Moreover, it seemed to teachers that there are unsafe situations for pupils with ACEs in mainstream schools. Second, although teachers thought mainstream school is not suitable for pupils with ACEs, they support all pupils to communicate with other pupils. For example, teachers taught other pupils’ names to those with ACEs, then the pupils told other pupils only their names. In addition, if necessary, teachers assess pupils whether they need additional support needs for getting reasonable accommodation. Third, teachers thought pupils with ACEs should go to a special school rather than a mainstream school because if pupils with ACEs made deviant behavior without reasonable accommodation, other pupils couldn’t concentrate on learning. This situation is not equitable for other pupils. However, the priority of special schools are pupils who need medical support for severe or multiple disabilities. Thus, before pupils with ACEs gain (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  The Egyptian schooling system consists of two main streams: one is the general educational system managed by the Ministry of Education and the other is Islamic educational system supervised by comprehensive Islamic institution “al-Azhar.” The purpose of this study is to reveal the reason why the al-Azhar educational system has managed to expand their primary and secondary institutions, “Ma‘had,” to more rural areas, and to investigate the factors that Egyptian people contribute to establishing their own Ma‘had in their communities from two perspectives, educationally and administratively.

  The first section of this paper investigates the reform of Islamic educational policy after the Nasser regime (1956−1970) using the analysis of the legal framework enforced by the government and articles published in local newspapers in the 1970s. In the second section, this study examines the background in which the people are establishing Ma‘had schools as their new Islamic educational style for their home villages. It further elucidates people’s motivations, which allow them to launch “self-effort” movements to build such schools with villagers’ endowment and service, based on a case study on the establishment of Ma‘had in Village A.

  The number of Ma‘had schools reached around 40 in the late 1950s, and the expansion of Ma‘had continued through the second half of the 20th century, although some people have criticized the drawbacks of the dual educational system or the backwardness of religious education. The expansion of the number of Islamic schools became more evident in the 1970s; this increase was bolstered by the educational reform of al-Azhar and their official campaign to open new Islamic primary and secondary schools in various spheres around Egypt. The movement was popularly supported by citizens, as the people donated money and participated in the establishment of the school buildings for the Ma’had. This trend evokes the Islamic revivalism, denoted by previous researchers, who have discussed the effects of a new Islamic movement rising up with religious enthusiasm, whether politically or socially, throughout the 20th century.

  When Free Officers succeeded in overthrowing the constitutional monarchy, it is said that the ex-minister of Education, Taha Hussein, attempted to eliminate al-Azhar’s educational system. In addition the abolishment of the Ma‘had, al-Azhar graduates suffered from difficulties of unemployment because there was a lack of opportunity to utilize their specialty of Islamic knowledge. In the end, the abolition of such schools failed, but the government demanded that the al-Azhar system be transformed and enforced Law No. 103 in 1961 (the 1961 Law). The reform not only oversaw religious authority but also the educational policy of al-Azhar. The law stipulates articles to promise students that they will have the same opportunity to gain knowledge to proceed to the next stage of education as graduates of general schools. Additionally, the new curriculum added more general contents to Ma‘had. The 1961 Law established general departments in al-Azhar University, which had traditionally only held departments of religious sciences. At the same time, al-Azhar started Ma‘had elementary schools and Ma‘had girls’ schools. The enrichment of the education contents and new general departments let the students who do not work for religious professions enroll in the Ma‘had. The new concepts of Ma‘had extended opportunities for students who had not been accepted under the previous system.

  In parallel with the educational reform, Abdelhareem Mahmoud, the rector of al-Azhar (1973−1978), expanded the number of Ma‘had and called for contributions from their domestic and overseas supporters. According to the articles from the local newspapers, inhabitants and influential people exhibited (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  This study analyzes from the viewpoint of relational trust what roles headteachers play to enhance school enrollment in relationships with guardians/community members and teachers through a case study of the Akatsi South District, Ghana.

  Literature has revealed such challenges of participatory school management as conflicts among school-level stakeholders. It is still unknown how managerial activities are related to pedagogical activities in participatory school management. Also, it remains to be solved what roles headteachers in developing countries, who have limited mandates and capacities, should play.

  This study is significant because literature has pointed out the rapid expansion of marginalization within and beyond communities in developing countries. Even though households live in the same geographical boundaries, those who are relatively rich tend to choose quality schools beyond such geographic boundaries to join new school communities. The vulnerable are left behind within such fragile geographical communities and disparities between the rich and the vulnerable have become more evident. Thus, this study has its significance for such vulnerable households and geographical/school communities. The author believes that school enrollment is an important indicator that community members and guardians can use to assess the extent of school management. It is because guardians can choose schools regardless of their geographical boundaries and schools compete for greater enrollment.

  This study asks: how does relational trust, where headteachers play a pivotal role, influence school enrollment? The author pays attention to “school community-school relational trust” and “headteacher-teacher relational trust.” If “communications, consultations, and decision-making” are conducted to solve certain issues, the author regards it as the expression of expectations. Then, if resource mobilization is made to execute such expectations, the author views it as the conduct of obligations. Relational trust analyzes the following factors in school management: school finance, school environment, support for teachers, and pedagogical activities. The realization of relational trust between school community and school, headteacher and teachers, is judged by looking at whether expectations are met with obligations in the above-mentioned factors affecting school enrollment. Data collection methods include interviews with school-level stakeholders and documentary reviews of the past minutes of the School Management Committee (SMC) or Parent Teacher Association (PTA)’s general meetings. The author conducted field study in January and September 2017, and September 2018, adopting the qualitative case study of two schools that have suffered from low enrollment.

  As the result of the above analysis, the study found the following. Regarding school community-school relational trust, at School A, with the headteaher’s strategies to address low enrollment, decision-making as the expression of expectations in terms of school finance (PTA levy mobilization), school environment (school feeding program and construction of a junior secondary school), and support for teacher (deployment of practicing teachers) were associated with resource mobilization as the execution of obligations. Thus, relational trust between school communities and school was realized. On the other hand, School B has a history of community dispute over the location of the school between two geographical communities. School environment (construction of a kindergarten classroom) and support for teacher (payment for kindergarten teachers) were discussed to solve them. However, school community-school relational trust was not realized due to low collective participation and lack of school finance. School B could not receive practicing teachers as geographical communities (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  In this era of globalisation, the spread of multicultural and multiethnic societies by population fluidity in many countries has provoked discussion of educational issues concerning diversity at schools and local communities regarding nationality, race, ethnicity, and religion. The United Kingdom, which has a long history as a multicultural and multiethnic society, has faced various changes in regards to assimilative and integrated education, multicultural education, and antiracist education from the 1960s to the 1990s. Because of the arrival of new immigrant groups, such as refugees, cultural diversity at schools has been changing. From around the 2000s, education at schools in the United Kingdom has taken a more global perspective such as community cohesion that might also be required at other schools around the world. This discussion is required for initial teacher education (ITE) courses for the development of teachers with professional knowledge and the ability to respond positively to the diverse needs of pupils in schools.

  The purpose of this paper is to explore how ITE offers curriculum and learning opportunities so that teachers correspond to cultural and social diversity at schools. This paper examines School-centred Initial Teacher Training (SCITT) curriculum related to multicultural education, which is one of the school-led ITE programmes in the United Kingdom. SCITT is an alternative route into the teaching profession that was introduced in 1993 against the background of efforts to improve practical teaching ability and also to deal with the shortage of teachers. Each SCITT programme is managed by a consortium composed of a number of schools. Most such network of consortiums are made up of more than 20 partnership schools. The curriculum generally consists of centre-based training and school-based training.

  The following two research questions will be addressed in this paper: 1) what kinds of programmes are provided in the SCITT curriculum in order to support the multicultural education at English schools; and 2) what kinds of learning outcomes and effects for trainee teachers are intended through offering these programmes in the curriculum? Semi-structured interviews were conducted with the operational managers of five SCITT courses from northern to southern England and were asked about multicultural education in the curriculum. Several ITE lesson observations were also carried out during this study. I referred to the method of qualitative case studies aimed at a construction of common abstract ideas among cases (Merriam, 1998) so as to sketch the individual facts and common trends of the multicultural education programmes in the case analysis of SCITT. With regard to the data analysis, the QDA software MAXQDA12 was used to code segments of the text data inductively, and build conceptual categories (Sato, 2008). As a help for analysing the curriculum planning and development of the ITE curriculum, three essential conceptions: a preactive phase, an interactive phase, and a postactive phase (OECD, 2014) are employed.

  While each SCITT provider has different thoughts towards them, all ensure a variety of multicultural educational sessions and opportunities. Some examples are cited as follows. First, all schools are required to teach Religious Education (RE) at all Key Stages. Therefore, all SCITT curriculums contain useful elements of RE understanding and teaching though they show different point of views of the relationship between RE and multicultural education. Next, the National Curriculum requires EAL (English as an Additional Language) opportunities to help pupils develop their English, and to provide the support pupils’ needs to take part in all subject areas (DfE, 2013). Although all SCITT providers provide EAL sessions to their trainee teachers, they consider EAL sessions to be a part of a holistic approach (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)