Crisis has been defined in so various ways by behavioral, historical and other sciences. Most of definitions, particularly in the cold war era, are military oriented. Since the end of the cold war, however, a new definition of crisis and a new concept of crisis control has been required to cope with a looming new security environment,

in which there is a non-military as well as military crisis. In this essay, crisis is defined as a ’ high probability of damage to acquired values’ based on the definition of security as a ’ low probability of damage to acquired values’ by David Baldwin. According to this definition, the purpose of crisis control is how a ’ high probability of damage to acquired values’ can be lowered and kept as low as possible. It is just the same purpose of security. In this vein, crisis control is another aspect of security.

As a definition of security has been changing since the end of the cold war, a concept of crisis control has been also transforming in the post-cold war era. The field of crisis control is widening from military to non-military one, that is, politics, culture, economics and environment. In addition to widening fields, the level of actor of crisis control is extending from national to non-national level, that is, subnational, supra-national or trans-national actor level. As a result, threats tackled by crisis control includes even non-military one like environment pollution as well as armed conflicts with which the traditional crisis control has dealt.

After all, how well crisis control works depnds on how much important

’acquired values’ is to crisis managers.

The most important theme for crisis management for a state is early termination of international crises which may escalate into a major war. During the Cold War era, which had been characterized by continuing nuclear arms race between the two Superpowers, prevention of nuclear war was the top priority of global peace. In responding to Soviet challenges such as the Berlin Crises, the United States exploited successfully deterrent effect of nuclear weapons. Nuclear deterrence had been the cornerstone of U.S. defense policy.

In the Cold War era, both the U.S. and the Soviet Union reacted very cautiously to virtually all crises because they knew well that failure of deterrence meant mutual suicide. In the post-Cold War era, which is characterizes by multipolarity, strategic calculations of major powers are difficult to predict. As compared with the Cold War era, it is more difficult to maintain alliances in crises, because each country has different stake.

In recent years, repeated crises both at home and abroad has heightened Japanese awareness with the importance of crisis management. However, Japanese interest in crisis management has so far been narrowly limited to policy questions such as swift decision-making process in crisis. In light of the fact that Japanese defense policy continues to rely upon U.S. nuclear deterrence, it is imperative that Japan pay more attention to theoretical aspect of crisis management. Otherwise, Japan could not respond effectively to future international crises.

In our contemporary society, the concept of " Crisis Management" is frequently used in various contexts from the nuclear warfare, regional conflicts, terrorism, product tampering, to financial crisis of individual citizen. However, it is true that there are growing threats to our society caused by the collapse of Cold War structure, drastic technology innovations, Globalization of Economy, transformations of society, and environmental-natural disasters. We are sure to be heading to the Crisis Society where fundamental social factors and structures will be yielding crisis factors in every part of our society. Japan is not an exception of Crisis Society. On the contrary, it is typically emerging in the society which has enjoyed rapid and constant economic growth throughout 1970s and 80s. There are a number of reasons why the concept of Crisis Management and actual efforts for it are not accepted by the public and realized in government ,private enterprises and to individuals. Some may attribute this absence to the cultural background of Japan, but actual causality is more complex and deeply imbedded in institutional framework of social systems in Japanese society. Although Japan has already confronted a number of crisis situations such assecurity issues in international relations in Asia, financial crises of banking institutions, Great Hanshin Earthquake, E-coli Bacterial infection, collapse of educational system etc... the acceptance of the concept among Japanese population is still limited. The author of this article is try to analyze and elaborate the factors whichhinder the perception and efforts of crisis management in Japan , and to propose a set of policies for improving the situation in order to coping with the coming crises to our society.

Bio-politics consists of the fields relevant to medical and bio-ethical policies so far studied by three disciplines as bio-ethics, medical economics and medical law. Its main objects of research are AID, IVF-ET, abortion, bio-medicine, organ transplantation and natural death/euthanasia.

Until now the criteria of bio-policy assessment are indefinite because of the inconsistencies between policies influenced by the varied opinion about people’s lifestyle and public order. The author argues that there should be a basic theory based on clear ideas and principles.

The proposed ideas here are freedom, symbiosis and nature which are put reciprocally in chequed and balanced relationship. Hence five principles of bio-policy are self-determination, restraint on intervention from government or medical science society, anti-eugenics, strong social support for the handicapped and limitation on the intervention of medical technologies into human body / life.

These principles lead to the minor principles such as legal guarantee of patient’s rights, promotion of people’s right to accsess to medical information and legal protection of the right of privacy. Ultimately you can choose some concrete policies such as ban on human gene engineering of reproductive cell, ban on surrogate mother etc. and levels or means of restriction ( by law, by guideline or self)

This article describes the gap between service programs and actual needs in Japanese health and welfare policies; what kinds of gaps are discernible in the health and welfare polices; what problems are created by the cleavage; and why the government can hardly succeed in reforms to bridge the gap.

To fulfill all the needs for health and welfare, the government must implement the policies that cover the following four categories, i.e., acute cure, chronic care, long-term care, and terminal care. While adults’ diseases, such as cancer, heart diseases and diabetes, have been the most familiar illnesses that the Japanese people have suffered since the 1950s, long-term care policy for the frail and disabled elderly has also been increasingly important since the 1980s.

The existing health care and welfare system, however, is suitable for acute cure. The absence of chronic and long-term care services has caused three problems: namely, waste of resources, patients’ distrust of a doctor and heavy burdens of family members for the elderly care. The author concludes that policy inertia produced by the existing system per se is resistant to reform.

In Japan, the study of public policies confronts many problems. The first, many students use same ‘jargons’in different meanings. One speaks of policies in political contexts, the other in administrative and economical context, and they don’t know they are speaking of the different sides of policies each other. The second ploblem is the ‘inter-disciplinary nature ’of the public policy studies. The wider the field of the studies become, the more students in different diciplines come(foe example economics, politics, sosiology, law, public and business administration, engineering etc.). So, there is no agreement upon how to study public policies. The third ploblem is that there comes new theme of the study of public policies. Day by day, so many themes and topics to study come in this field of study that we can’t follow them.

This ssession 5 argues those ploblems. Taking up ‘the identity crisis’of the study of the public policies, Professor Mayama he makes the new framework of the study and identifies meanings of many ‘jargons’of the study of public policies.

Proffesor Amano finds the new perspective of the policy-making process in local government, he calls it‘Seisaku-homu’‘Saisaku-homu’approachs the policyprocess from the legislation of local government,understands laws of central government from the view point of citizens, and evaluates legal proceedings.

Both contribute to make clarification of ‘the state of the arts’of the study of the public policy in Japan.

There are many approaches to study public policies, because “Policy Studies” have not yet been established as one academic field. This article tries to put these various approaches in order, form the Public Administration perspective. This paper checks many definitions of the term “policy” in the various studies in order to make sure of the confusion in using the term. First of all, some classifications of policy are introduced. At the second, this article shows that various policy studies are interested in which types of policy. Finally, the relation between policy studies and policy process (e.g. policy decision, policy analysis, policy implementation, and policy evaluation) is examined by using the model presented by S. Nagel. Although Political Science and Public Administration contribute policy studies in some sense, it is necessary that many other fields of social science are integrated to establish “Public Policy Study”.

In 1981, the Provisional Commission for Administrative Reform(“Rincho” in Japanese) started under the all-out support of the Cabinet. The Prime Minister at the time was Zenko Suzuki who was the predecessor of Yasuhiro Nakasone. Rincho embarked upon rigorous review of substantive policies like social security, social welfare, public works etc. and deliberated the privatization of the big three public corporations like the National Railways and the Telegraph and Telephone Public Corporation. Successive Cabinets have fully implemented almost all the recommendations made to the Prime Minister by the Rincho and its successive follow-up Councils. We can call this period 1981 to 1993 “the Rincho reform period”.

In the July 1993 general election the Liberal Democratic Party lost its majority for the first time since its founding in 1955. Administrative reform entered into a new phase since this political change. The most important change from the era of LDP one-party dominance is that coalition governments and competitive elections have worked to increase the influence of politics and politicians relative to the bureaucracy. Large-scale ministerial reorganization and decentralization, both of which had been blocked by bureaucratic resistance under LDP one-party dominance, were vigorously tackled by the successive governments, especially by the Hashimoto cabinet. His cabinet succeeded in enacting the Basic Law for the Reorganization of Central Government Ministries and Agencies which came into effect in June of 1998. The law comprises almost all the subjects of administrative reform. This article deals with, in comparison with the Rincho administrative reform, the features of administrative reform based on the law, such as its concept of administrative reform, its reform procedure and the full use of Administrative Reform Council chaired by the Prime Minister Hashimoto. The author presents a general view of major administrative reform items, and points out the problems latent in them. The problems include inappropriate organization management like building gigantic ministries which might be out of political control and difficulties in providing “an independent administrative corporation” (a new type of public organization called, Dokuritsu-Gyousei-Houjin) with real autonomy. In addition, the author refers to the importance of the software rather than the hardware in the practice of administrative reform.

わが国では近年経済構造改革等の改革の重要性が認識されているものの、改革推進の具体的方策に関する議論は欠落している。政官業の鉄のトライアングルが改革推進の阻害要因として指摘されるが、改革が進まないのはそれを封じ込める勢力が形成されないという日本型政策決定システム及び制度間関係に要因があると考えられる。

本研究では、改革推進の規定要因を考察し、具体的方策を検討するため、わが国の政策決定の制度特性について米国との比較制度分析を行っている。そこでは日米の航空輸送産業における規制緩和を「決定的事例」として取り上げ、第一に修正サバティアモデルによって双方の政策決定過程の特質を抽出し、第二にそれをもとにイシューコンテクストと制度的コンテクストという2つのコンテクストから比較し、制度特性を考察している。

この二段階の分析結果から、二重の政策決定構造というわが国の制度特性が指摘され、改革推進要素として、1)改革推進グループの構成、2)イシュー選択時の2つの外的事象の影響及び改革理念を創出・普及する「政策事業家」の存在、3)包括的議題設定、4)改革推進グループのコアアクターの制度的位置付け及び関連性、という4つが指摘される。

そしてわが国で抜本的改革を行うためには、長期的には官民の融合関係による政策決定空間の変革が重要である。また短期的には官僚の仕切り下に政策事業家となる政府首脳部や有力議員等をいかに介在させるかが重要になる。

27の都道府県・政令市における情報公開条例の制定過程について、質的・量的分析手法を組み合わせて比較を行い、ほぼ同時期に検討が開始された条例の制定時期に17年もの開きが生じたのはなぜか、その差はどこで生じたのかについて検討した。この結果、ほとんどの自治体に共通する制定手順の中でも、特に初期の担当レベルの検討段階で差がついたことが明らかになった。そこで、この違いをもたらした要因は何だったのかについて比較検討したところ、1）首長のリーダーシップ、2）他の自治体の動向、3）議会の勢力分布、4）行政組織が持つ資源及びこれら要因の相互作用によることが明らかになった。

本論文では、薬害など、損害が複数の加害者によって引き起こされ、かつ損害と加害者の因果関係は明らかであるが、ある被害者の損害はどの加害者によるものかが特定できないような共同不法行為が成立している状況の解決策として、全損害をその財の市場における各企業のマーケット・シェアによって分担する責任ルールを取り上げ、その効果を考察している。結果として、各企業の注意水準と財の生産水準は、ともに社会的に最適な水準を下回ることが示される。そしてこの観点から、HIV訴訟（2次）和解案における各企業の損害分担についても同様のことが指摘されうる。もちろん、この責任ルールの認識や適用についてモデルと和解案の両者に違いはあるが、今後、この和解案が前例として様々な役割を果たすと考えれば、この検討は意義あるものといえるであろう。

さらに、現実的な観点からいくつかの代替的ルールの可能性を検討している。結果として、生産水準と注意水準の両方に依存した責任ルールが、またはそれらに依存せず、各企業に全損害を負担させる責任ルールが社会的総余剰を改善する点からマーケット・シェアルールよりも望ましいことが示される。しかし、前者のルールは制度運営費用がかなり大きくなり、後者のルールは各企業が過大負担となることが予想され、責任ルール適用に際しては、これらの点も同時に考慮する必要がある。

本論文では、市町村の政策形成、決定過程における市町村会議員の役割について、保守主導の総与党化が顕著である石川県内の市町村を対象地域としている。本論文の分析内容は、各市町村の自治体政策過程に関わる多様なアクターにより構成される影響力構造の中での市町村会議員の位置、そして政策領域別の政策過程各段階における議員と行政間関係の実態と、議員の影響力について、市町村の中堅幹部と議員を対象に行ったアンケート調査と、これを補う為に行った政治・行政関係者などへのインタビュー調査の二つの社会調査の結果と、資料調査に基づく実証分析である。

分析結果から、石川県内の市町村における市町村会議員の役割について、重要な知見が得られた。その概要は市町村の政策過程において、先行研究の結果と類似した首長主導の影響力構造の下、執行部への政策提案活動と執行部の政策案策定段階での活動と影響力の行使による関与に力点をおき、行政側と議会過程以前での調整を重んじた活動に積極的であるとの結果が得られた。

本稿では、Bond and Chen（1987）を基礎にした２国モデルによって、アムネスティ及びそれに関連する政策の経済効果についての議論を行い、次のような結論を得た。失業が存在しない状況でアムネスティをより積極的に実施すると、世界全体の所得が増加することになる。しかし、同時に受入れ国内の合法的単純労働者の賃金率が減少するために、アムネスティがより積極的に実施されるにつれて、受入れ国に失業が発生する恐れが出てくる。受入れ国及び送出し国内に失業者が存在する状況でアムネスティをより積極的に実施すると、受入れ国内の失業者が増加するとともに、送出し国内の失業者が減少し、世界全体の所得には変化がない。

失業の発生を回避しながら受入れ国内の不法就労者を減少させる方法の一つは、アムネスティをより積極的に実施すると同時に、不法就労者を雇用する生産者に対する罰金を増額することである。もう一つの方法は、受入れ国の正規の受入れ枠を拡張し、労働資格を得て受入れ国に入国する者の量を増加させることである。ただし、この方法では、アムネスティのように既存の不法就労者を合法化できるわけではない。

「護送船団方式」とは、もっとも採算性の良くない金融機関の存在を考慮した、保護金融行政で、金利規制による十分な利鞘を保証していた。その金融規制は、ルールよりも行政指導に頼る程度が高く、金融当局は金融業界に対して店舗の認可、利子率規制などの規制に関して情報力の点で優位に立っていた。金融当局の規制は規制レントを生み出し、金融機関はレントを獲得するため、天下りを受け入れていたといえる。すなわち、民間企業が天下りを受け入れることは、レント・シーキングとして説明されうる。「天下り」慣行は、金融当局と民間金融業界の緊密な「政策ネットワーク」の一部を形成するノードで、「護送船団方式」のもとでの官民関係を象徴するものである。

本稿では天下りの実証的分析を通じて「大蔵省・日銀のゼロ・サム仮説」、「景気変動仮説」を提示する。1980年から1991年まで、大蔵省の天下りと日銀の天下りとの間には、「ゼロ・サムの関係」が見られ、ほぼ景気変動に並行して大蔵省と日銀の天下りの数が増減している。ここで、1992年以降の動きの解釈が問題となる。1992年以降、大蔵省と日銀との「ゼロ・サム関係」は維持されているが、景気変動とは関係なく、大蔵省と日銀の天下りの数が激減している。これは、レント・シーキング論からいえば、裁量的規制により生じる規制レントが低下し、「護送船団方式」のもとでの金融行政と金融業界との関係が変化した結果であると解釈できる。