The present article focuses on the administrative and financial reforms enacted between around 1900 and the early 1910s. Specifically, it traces the developments that in June 1913 led to the Ministry of Education establishing jurisdiction over the Bureau of Religions (Shūkyōkyoku)―or, to put it another way, led to the Ministry institutionally assuming control of the administration of religions.

I begin by delineating how the so-called Okuda Draft submitted in July 1902 by then-head of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau Okuda Yoshito to the First Katsura Tarō Cabinet was deliberately ignored, thus frustrating the plans for the administration of and jurisdiction over religion that Education Ministry bureaucrats had conceived.

Second, I lay out how the Home Ministry reforms carried out by Home Minister Hara Takashi (Kei) in the Second Saionji Kinmochi Cabinet as well as Hara's reforms of prefectural-level administration led by the Ministry had an enormous impact on existing approaches to the administration of shrines and religions. I will show how this resulted in an enormous setback to Education Ministry bureaucrats' plans for jurisdiction.

Finally, I trace how a collaboration between Home Minister Hara and Education Minister Okuda in the First Cabinet of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe led in June 1913 to formal transfer of the Bureau of Religions from the Home Ministry to the Education Ministry. I argue that this development was in fact the fruition of that desire held ever since around 1900.

Jikigyō Miroku (1671-1733) was an ascetic belonging to the Mt. Fuji confraternity founded by Kakugyō. Jikigyō wrote three works before committing suicide on Mt. Fuji. His last work (without an official title), is commonly called the Soegaki (『添書』 accompanying document to his work). The work details the reasons why he wanted to commit suicide on Mt. Fuji.

Jikigyō followed his master, Getsugyō, since the age of 17. Getsugyō received an oracular statement from a god, who Jikigyō believed dominated the world since 1689. Jikigyō inherited the teachings of “Miroku no yo (the era of Miroku),” which was advocated by his master. He developed, through his works, the details of the world view exposed by Getsugyō. Jikigyō, on the other hand, became frustrated with reality, in which there was no divine manifestation and also with his unfulfilled daily life. This paper considers the manuscripts of Soegaki in light of his life. I will also discuss how his claims resulted in his suicide.

This paper concerns the practice of “Family Columbaria Grave” in contemporary Japan. These grave units consist of a grave marker and a narrow box containing cremated remains, owned by and inherited within a single family. I investigated the implementation of and public reaction to Family Columbaria Grave, focusing my research on post-Meiji period Tokyo where the practice was pioneered. Due to rapid urbanization and fallout from the Great Kantō Earthquake of 1923, Tokyo saw a shortage of graves and an increase of neglected graves. City planners solved these problems by introducing the “Family Columbaria Grave” as the burial system in Tokyo, as it would implement space-saving, low-costs, hygiene, and mobility. Following this implementation, this practice rapidly became well established. People built these graves to affirm the importance of familial ties, and hoped to leave them as family property until a descendant generation. Public reception was positive, as the practice was seen as a natural extension of traditional Japanese values and “Japanese familiar spirits.” Therefore, the “Family Columbaria Grave” was, unlike graves from the Edo period onward, an invented tradition of the Showa era that was strongly tinged with the character of the modern city.