の２種がある。この２種の分布域は本来重ならないのだが、カザフスタンではこれら両方が飼われており、積極的にハイブリッド種が作出されている。の用途は、荷役、食肉、乳、毛と多岐にわたり、とくにソ連時代には用途に応じて合理化がすすめられてきた。近年は、乳の健康面における効用が強調されるようになり、乳量の多いヒトコブをもとにした雑種作出が盛んである。

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ユーラシア大陸からアフリカ大陸にかけて去勢は騎乗用、荷駄用として歴史的、社会的、文化的に重要な役割を果たしてきた。本発表の目的は、牧畜民の事例から明らかにすることである。具体的には、去勢の時期、去勢畜の選別、一連の去勢作業、術法、儀礼および社会関係に着目する。

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牧畜民が生活している乾燥地域では多様な植物が不均一に分布しており，家畜がどの植物を採食するかにはさまざまな選択肢があるが，同時に家畜の採食は人間による放牧ルートの選定にも影響を受けている。本稿では，ケニア共和国の西北部に住む牧畜民トゥルカナの放牧について，家畜の採食行動と放牧地の植生および放牧ルートを調査・分析し，家畜の採食選択がどのような要因によって規定されているのかを考察した。
調査対象としたのはヤギとである。ヤギは一日に多種類の植物を採食しているのに対して，は一日の放牧では1～２種の植物を集中的に採食する。そして両者はともに，観察期間全体を通してみると多種類の植物を採食していたが，これはが日によって異なる植物を選択していたためである。また，ヤギとが採食した植物についてタンニン含有量を比較すると，ヤギ，ともに含有量が一定量を超える植物の採食量が少なくなり，含有量が少ない植物を選択的に利用していることが示唆された。このようにヤギとが多種類の植物を採食し，かつタンニン摂取量を抑えることによって，タンニンなどの植物の二次代謝産物の悪影響が軽減されている可能性がある。こうした結果が，人間による放牧ルートの意図的な選択とどのように結びついているのかは，今後の課題である。

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This paper analyzes the “camel trust system” (dabare) of the Gabra, pastoralists in a Eastern Province of Kenya. Gabra people transfer their camels as gifts, and on the basis of short term loan, trade and “trust”.
Trust, the most ordinary of these four, is a long term loan. Usually, an owner trusts out (loans) most of his camels to other Gabra, and he lives on camels trusted in (borrowed) from other Gabra. Trustees can keep trusted camels as long as the owner does not ask for their return. Trustees have the right of use of the camel and what it produces, most importantly milk. As well, trustees can in turn, trust offspring to another Gabra. Trustors and trustees are recognized as “jal” (special friend), connected by the trusting of camels. This “jal” chain creates multiple networks in the Gabra society.
The first part of this paper outlines the trust system of the Gabra and analyzes the relationships which are found in the “jal” networks. There are two important relationships. One is a direct relationship between trustor and trustee, characterized by intimacy and loose reciprocity. The other is an indirect relationship between the owner of a camel and the trustees of that camel's offspring. A camel owner has the right to demand a gift from the trustee, however, in some cases, this demand is deemed too high, and the trustee does not accede to the owner's demand, in which case the owner will compulsorily recall his camel from that trustee. The latter relationship is particular to the Gabra trust system.
Secondly, this paper analyzes three features which the trust system generates in the Gabra society. (1) Trust system organizes the Gabra into particular clan. The trust system strongly unites the owner's clan's members. As clans ideally own numerous camels, owners of camels and his clan members keep a close eye on trustees to ensure they breed a camel correctly. The trust system mobilizes and unites the members of the owner's clan. (2) Trust system have the Gabra conform themselves to the discipline. As the owner and his clan's members keep close watch on trustees, trustees try to keep the regulations of trusted camel. Moreover, as the owner who is offended with trustee often compulsorily recalls his camels form that trustee, trustees must always be deferent to camel owners. By virtue of these, trustee are obliged to assume a discipline-abiding attitude with respect to any Gabra who is closely watching him. (3) Trust system makes Gabra imagine the ethnicity. The owner and trustees often live in different region in Gabra land. Trust system connects these people who mutually live in “outside” of their daily-world. By virtue of these, the Gabra recognize the reality of their ethnicity.
It is likely that these features resulted from the detachment of the right of ownership from the people who directly exchange the camels.

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The predominant form of livelihood in the south of the Horn of Africa is livestock production by Somali pastoralists. Livestock and related products have been exported from this area on a large scale for decades, and this has prospered even after the collapse of Siad Barre’s dictatorial regime in Somalia. This informal economic activity is characterized by a chain of actors, including shirkad (large-scale companies), gana’sade (large-scale traders), jeble (small-scale traders), dilaal (brokers), and raa’i (trekkers). Among these, dilaal are sometimes characterized as a negative component of market transactions. They are market negotiators, and their employment is a traditional part of the livestock trading system. They are regarded as being dishonest with herders, who are not accustomed to market negotiations, and are said to be greedy and raise their fees from unwary traders and herders. Based on fieldwork in a primary market for camels in Modogashe, northeastern Kenya, this paper aims to examine their activities and their social implications. For the camel herders in the bush (reer baadiya), dilaal are indispensable as mediators with livestock traders (reer magaalada), who are culturally distinct from them.

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The purpose of this paper is to establish a general framework within which to consider pastoral systems in the coastal zones of the arid tropics, focusing on human-camel relationships. Points at issue were determined by reviewing literature related to three topics: 1) pastoral systems in the arid tropics; 2) pastoralists living in its coastal zones; 3) human-camel relationships.

As a results of these analyses, I set up twelve topics for discussion: 1) What kinds of water do one-humped camels and camel pastoralists drink to live in the coastal zones of the arid tropics? 2) Which species of plants do one-humped camels graze there? 3) What are the differences in pasture utilization between one-humped camels and other livestock there? 4) Which species of biological resources in addition to plants do camel pastoralists utilize there? 5) How do the coastal physical environments determine biological resource utilization of camel pastoralists? 6) What kinds of niches do one-humped camels occupy in the coastal ecosystems in terms of resource patch accessibility and availability? 7) How do camel pastoralists refer to the physical environments and how do they classify them? 8) How do camel pastoralists refer to the biological environments and how do they classify them? 9) How do camel pastoralists refer to the one-humped camel and how do they classify them? 10) Which species of biological resources of the coastal zones of the arid tropics are traded, and to what extent are they traded? 11) What roles do one-humped camels play in the broader network building and inter-ethnic relationships? 12) How do the natural environments and pastoral systems of the coastal zones of the arid tropics affect the survival of ethnic groups?

Finally, I summarize my discussion on some basic data from a case study of the Beja on the Red Sea coast in Eastern Sudan, and propose a direction for my study of pastoral systems in the arid tropics.

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これまで, アフリカの乾燥熱帯沿岸域にみられる伝統的な牧畜システムを解明した現地調査はほとんどおこなわれていない。本稿の目的は, 塩生植物やマングローブからなる海岸植生に対する家畜の摂食行動と, 家畜間にみられる放牧地の利用形態の違いに焦点をあてることで, 海岸植生に依存する牧畜の実態を具体的に浮き彫りにすることにある。
調査対象とするベジャ族は, , ヤギ, ヒツジ, ウシ, ロバを飼養している。スーダン領紅海沿岸のアゲタイ村周辺においてそれらの家畜のために利用される放牧地を (I) 海岸平野にある草地, (II) 洞れ川の地表流の終着地にある灌木地, (III) 塩性湿地の内陸よりの周縁に見られる灌木地, (IV) 海岸線近くの塩性湿地, (V) 潮間帯のマングローブ群落, (VI) 隆起サンゴ礁島にある草地・灌木地, という6つのゾーンに分類した。
家畜の摂食行動と放牧地利用の季節性を分析した結果, (1) 各ゾーンの主要な植物が属する科やその生活形, 塩生植物か否かといった特性に応じて, 家畜の種ごとに放牧地の利用形態に差異がみられること, (2) の摂食は, 灌木地に生育するアカザ科を中心とした半灌木の塩生植物と, 常緑のマングローブの枝葉に大きく依存していること, (3) によってのみ利用可能である草地・灌木地が, 隆起サンゴ礁島に存在すること, の3点が明らかになった。
以上のような分析から, 乾燥熱帯の沿岸域における人間-家畜-植物関係の特徴として, 塩生植物やマングローブといった海岸植生に依存し, かつ, 他の家畜がアクセスできない隆起サンゴ礁島で摂食することができるを中心にすえた牧畜システムが発達していることが指摘できる。

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