ENGLISH LINGUISTICS
Online ISSN : 1884-3107
Print ISSN : 0918-3701
ISSN-L : 0918-3701
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Volume 30, Issue 1
Displaying 1-23 of 23 articles from this issue
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Invited Article
  • STRONG UNIFORMITY AND GA/NO CONVERSION
    SHIGERU MIYAGAWA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 1-24
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_1
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    We will look at ga/no Conversion in Japanese from the perspective of Strong Uniformity, which is a concrete implementation of Chomsky’s (2001) Uniformity Principle that is proposed in Miyagawa (2010). We begin with the assumption that every language contains the same set of grammatical features; these features include the discourse features of topic and focus, and they all initially occur on C. The difference between an agreement-based language such as English and a discourse-configurational language such as Japanese is in the feature that is inherited by T: in the English-type, the agreement feature is inherited by T while in the Japanese-type the discourse features are inherited by T. We will look at how this system interacts with case marking in Japanese, particularly with the case alternation of ga/no Conversion.
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Article
  • UNINTERPRETABLE FEATURES AND THE IMMOBILITY OF CONSTITUENTS
    AKIHIKO ARANO
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 25-48
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_25
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    This paper investigates the immovability of phasal complements (Abels (2003)), the (in)applicability of VP Topicalization in raising, control, and Exceptional Case-Marking constructions, and the (im)mobility of raising infinitives, small clauses, and control infinitives. I explain a variety of contrasts exhibited in these superficially unrelated movement phenomena in terms of a minimalist assumption that Value and Transfer of uninterpretable features happen simultaneously in order to satisfy the principle of Full Interpretation ((Epstein and Seely (2002), Chomsky (2007, 2008)). The proposed analysis also captures patterns of movement observed in be likely to constructions.
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  • MAX ELIDE AND ECONOMY
    HIROKO KIMURA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 49-74
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_49
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    This paper examines Max Elide, the ban on deleting a smaller constituent in cases where deletion of a larger constituent is possible. One intriguing property is that Max Elide effects are observed when a remnant moves out of an ellipsis site via A′-movement but not when it does via A-movement. To capture this fact, Merchant’s (2008) Max Elide condition is accompanied by an ad hoc proviso: elide the biggest deletable constituent if an elided constituent contains an A′-trace. This paper tries to recapture Max Elide effects in terms of a general economy principle without recourse to such an ad hoc proviso.
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  • RECONSIDERING PHASE-INTERNAL DERIVATIONS: ARE THEY EXCEPTIONAL OR NOT?
    MANABU MIZUGUCHI
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 75-110
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_75
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    This paper explores phase-internal derivations and considers their consequences for Minimalist theorizing. With the discussion of extraction from subjects, we claim that phase-internal derivations are step-by-step processes, and argue against simultaneous, parallel applications of operations at the phase level. We argue that our claim is theoretically favorable, and show that it can naturally explain extraction phenomena as well as grammatical behaviors of multiple wh-questions. We also take a fresh look at “well-formed” extraction from subjects and subject wh-movement. We propose new analyses and provide empirical evidence in their favor. The discussions in this paper strengthen the argument that step-by-step procedures explain language.
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  • MORPHOLOGY OF DIRECT MODIFICATION
    AKIKO NAGANO
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 111-150
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_111
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    The distinction between direct and indirect modification has been widely discussed from semantic and syntactic viewpoints; however, this paper focuses on its morphological aspects. The core empirical observation is that morphologically complex adjectives are attributive-only when they have phrasal semantics. It will be argued that phrasal indirect modifiers alternate with non-projecting direct modifiers such as three-foot-long (pole), cellular (structure), and preadverbial (expression) because of the syntax of direct modification. This morphological alternation, which involves various incorporating patterns, is akin to inflection in its syntactic motivation. The close relationship between direct modification and attributive compounding, on the other hand, will be shown to be diachronic.
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Brief Article
  • ON THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF PREPOSITION STRANDING IN ENGLISH
    YOSUKE MATSUMOTO
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 151-168
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_151
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    This paper presents an analysis of the historical development of preposition stranding in English within the framework of the minimalist program by incorporating the model of cyclic linearization advocated by Fox and Pesetsky (2005). It is claimed that preposition stranding is possible as long as there is no ordering contradiction between a preposition and its object. The cyclic linearization approach allows us to explain the facts that preposition stranding was allowed only in restricted contexts in Old English, and that its range of use was greatly expanded in the course of Middle English. The change in preposition stranding that happened in Middle English is shown to be closely related to the loss of inherent Case assignment by prepositions.
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  • THE GRAMMATICAL FUNCTION OF UNDER AS A HEAD OF PROTASIS: FROM SPATIAL SENSES TO GRAMMATICAL FUNCTIONS
    NAOKI OTANI, FUMINO HORIUCHI
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 169-190
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_169
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    The present paper examines the grammatical function of the English preposition under with specific focus on its cognitive foundations. Under has the grammatical function as a head of a protasis of the related main clause (e.g., Under the agreement, agricultural prices would be frozen.). In order to examine this grammatical function of under, the present paper discusses the asymmetrical semantic extensions between over and under, which constitutes an antonymic pair, arguing the following points: first, the grammatical function of under is derived from its spatial sense through the control sense; second, though both over and under have the control sense, they exhibit different types of control; third, the asymmetry along the vertical axis of the perceived world motivates not only asymmetrical semantic extensions but also establishes the grammatical function of under.
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Notes and Discussion
Article on a Specified Topic
  • INTRODUCTION: DISTRIBUTION OF NOMINAL ELEMENTS ACROSS CATEGORIES AND THEIR INTERPRETATION
    SAKUMI INOKUMA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 216-222
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_216
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  • ON THE RELATIVIZATION OF DP ADVERBS
    SHUN’ICHIRO INADA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 223-242
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_223
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    There are instances of spatio-temporal DPs that can be used as adverbs. McCawley (1988) proposes that these “DP adverbs” are instances of adverbial PPs, claiming that a phonetically zero adposition can be hypothesized right above certain types of spatio-temporal DPs. This paper is an attempt to provide another piece of evidence for the silent PP analysis of DP adverbs. This paper examines the relativization of DP adverbs in English and in Japanese under the Promotion Analysis, and shows that DP adverbs behave in much the same way as DPs which are relativized from within PP with an overt adposition. This paper also shows that with the R-pronoun where as a relativizer, any spatial DPs can be relativized in English. This indicates that unlike what is argued in Caponigro and Pearl (2008, 2009), where is not a DP adverb but “incorporates” some adposition.
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  • THE MORPHOLOGY AND INTERPRETATIONS OF GRADABLE ADJECTIVES IN JAPANESE
    CHIGUSA MORITA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 243-268
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_243
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    There has been a debate concerning the categorial status of nominal adjectives in Japanese (na-adjectives), since they exhibit several properties of both canonical adjectives (k-adjectives) and nouns. Although properties of each category have been observed, there has been no cross-categorial approach to the differences among these elements. This paper demonstrates that the theory of scale structures proposed by Kennedy and McNally (2005) captures various morphological realizations of prenominal modifiers in Japanese. First, maximum-standard adjectives with lower closed scales and adjectives with upper closed scales tend to be realized as na-adjectives. Second, relative adjectives tend to be k-adjectives. Third, non-gradable modifiers are realized as nominal modifiers (no-adjectives). There are also some cases where relative “adjectives” and maximum-standard “adjectives” with scales whose lower end is closed are realized as no-adjectives. These observations reveal a tendency for a certain scale type to have a certain morphological form of adjectives in Japanese.
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  • NOMINALIZATION IN THE JAPANESE PREDICATE DOUBLING CONSTRUCTION
    YUKI ISHIHARA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 269-291
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_269
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    This paper examines the status of koto and no in the Predicate Doubling Construction in Japanese and shows that they have lost their syntactic status as nominals. This is an example of a nominal element losing its syntactic features through grammaticalization, though still retaining features necessary for morphophonological purposes. It is claimed that the construction is derived via movement of vP or TP and copy spell-out, which in turn suggests that koto and no are inserted for a morphophonological reason.
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  • DISTRIBUTION OF PHI-FEATURES WITHIN DPS AND THE ACTIVITY CONDITION
    SAKUMI INOKUMA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 292-312
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_292
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    This article proposes a theoretical bridge between DP-internal syntax and clausal syntax. A bundle of φ-features, composed of three sub-features [Person], [Number], and [Gender], is supposed to behave as an atomic, non-decomposable element in clausal syntax, while recent studies show that inside a DP, these sub-features are scattered and occur on different heads. We need a precise mechanism that “stacks up” the scattered sub-features and makes them available to clausal syntax as a single φ-bundle. I argue that a radical revision of the theory of feature-inheritance advocated by Chomsky (2007, 2008) and Richards (2007) provides a theoretical solution to this problem.
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Review Article
  • UTTERING AND INTERPRETING TREES
    Uttering Trees, by Norvin Richards, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2010, x+233pp.
    YOSHIHISA KITAGAWA
    2013 Volume 30 Issue 1 Pages 313-357
    Published: 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: August 31, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_313
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    This article first selectively overviews the discussion on the interaction of phonology and syntax offered in Richards (2010), then pursues the same project from a different angle. Pointing out that both wh-in-situ and overt wh-movement express sound-meaning correlations by appealing to some physical marking at surface level, we propose that both should be regarded as instances of overt syntax. Accordingly, the notion ‘overt syntax’ is redefined as the grammatical procedure that synchronizes PF- and LF-effects. We then argue that the synchronized PF-LF effects of overt syntax can be captured if feature complexes that induce the legibility of linguistic expressions at PF and at LF are encoded into lexical items.
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Review
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