This paper tries to investigate proper management system of pastureland where mobile pastoralism is taken place, by means of case study of Mongolia and a simple model based there. Since the allegory of “The Tragedy of the Commons”, it has been often said that pasturelands under common ownership lead to collapse because overuse is inevitable under such ownership, and that transfer of property rights is essential to avoid it. The same is the case of Mongolia, where misuse of pastureland promoted the damage of natural disaster dzud and privatization of pastureland is discussed according to the “Theory of ‘the Tragedy’”. However, researches in many actual commons have shown that “The Tragedy” does not necessarily occur and that the thesis proved to have theoretical errors. Moreover, there proved to be some places where transferring property rights itself caused depletion of natural resources. Therefore, privatization has a defect in its “theoretical” background. Besides, if pastureland is distributed to herdsmen, pastoral movement will no longer be possible, but in regions where water access is fluctuating years or seasons and not correlating between areas within the regions, sedentary pastoralism is less desirable than mobile one in terms of efficiency measured by the numbers of livestock which can be kept there. This is because if movement is allowed, herdsmen can move from an area with bad access to water to an area where herds can have better intake of water.

Because of these, far from solving the management problem, privatization or distribution of pasture-land has the possibility to lessen efficiency in pastureland utilization by impeding pastoral movement. Therefore, in mobile pastoral regions, a system is needed to support and promote movement for efficient and sustainable use of pastureland.

In the last four decades, the aid-saving debate has generated intense discussion between pro-aid liberal economists and radical anti-aid economists and produced many empirical studies. The focus of this debate has been to determine whether in a less developed country, foreign aid inflows and domestic savings are complementary or substitute. This study concludes that the results from previous studies have in aggregate been controversial, largely because of the methodological limitations and that a significant long-run positive relationship between foreign aid and domestic savings does exist, which is proved by three widely used cointegration techniques. The bivariate and trivariate causality analysis also confirmed a significant positive causality stemming from foreign aid to domestic savings. The results of sensitivity analysis also gave a robust confidence on the initial findings.

This article gives qualitative analysis of the development of Social Capacity for Environmental Management (SCEM). SCEM is defined as capacity to manage environmental problems in a social system composed of three social actors'—i.e., government, firms and citizens—and their interrelationships. Each actor's capacity depends on three fundamental factors: (1) policy, (2) human/organizational resources, and (3) knowledge, technology and information. The SCEM concept stems from capacity development discourse of international organizations such as UNDP and OECD, to achieve sustainable development.

Capacity is co-related with institutions, and SCEM can be understood in the dynamism of capacity development process and institutional change Each episode in institutional change defines unique stages for SCEM, which have consequent effects on relations between social actors in terms of environmental management. This process was developed as “SCEM Development Model”.

Analyzed from this viewpoint, development of SCEM is hypothesized to be in three stages: System-making stage, System-working stage, and Self-management stage. We call environmental management system that observes such development stages Social Environmental Management System (SEMS). This 3-stage approach is called “SEMS 3-stage Development Model”.

The authors integrate the above two models to make clear the interrelationships between SCEM, SEMS and institutional change. Using the integrated model, the authors conduct qualitative analysis of dust and SOx pollution control policy of Ube City, Yamaguchi. There is apparent difference in institutions between the control policies for the two pollutants. The analysis shows the dynamism of formal and informal institutional changes and SCEM development in the transition process from dust control institutions to SOx control institutions.

The purpose of this study is to clarify the difference of factors that affect location choice of Japanese companies and discuss its implications on economic disparities among states and development policies in Malaysia. It was found that, in spite of the efforts of the Malaysian government to reduce the regional disparity of primary aspects as infrastructures and industrial estates, the location of Japanese companies didn't change in the process of industrialization. Factors preventing their decentralization can be attributed not to differences of infrastructures, or “physical location conditions” but to the concentration of customer-companies and high-skilled/trained laborers, or “location conditions of higher dimensions” to some developed states.

The analysis is mainly based on the Canonical Discrimination Analysis using the data obtained from postal questionnaire on the degree of satisfaction on several factors to 95 Japanese manufacturing companies conducted from September 2002 to February 2003. Based on the analysis it is shown that, though low costs of labor and land were low enough to attract the Japanese companies not only to the main three states as Selangor, Penang and Johore but also to other states, its equalizing impact was not enough to dominate the inequalizing impact of the concentration of customers and well-trained laborers to the former. The Government policies were also not effective to decentralization of companies.

Development of local related companies and well-trained laborers as well as systematization of taxation systems will contribute to attract Japanese companies to less developed regions and lower economic disparities among regions.

Solid waste management (SWM) is to treat and dispose municipal waste properly for a sanitary urban environment. Historically, the responsibility of SWM is taken by local governments as an administrative service.

In Malaysia, proper disposal of waste is becoming harder since 1970's with rapid urbanization in densely populated cities. Regionalization of solid waste disposal, namely sharing of resources with neighboring cities, was proposed as a safe, efficient and economical solution in these cities, due to their poor financial capacity of local governments and difficulty in obtaining land for landfill.

Presently, most studies about SWM in developing countries are conducted in each local authority area. New study, however, is in urgent need to analyze the trend of regionalization.

In this paper, structures of stakeholders regarding SWM system in the state of Penang and Selangor are examined. Stakeholders mean a variety of interest groups such as public sector, private sector and community groups in each state. Both of the two states have highly urbanized cities in their territories and both state governments were planning regionalization of waste disposal. By analysis, it was revealed that regionalization of solid waste management cannot be made only by the strong state-led policy, but it necessarily required making co-operation and building partnership among local groups.

There are two major trends in the discourse of educational development in Africa after the 1990s: The internationally agreed goal of Education for All (EFA) and the aid modalities framed by the Poverty Reduction Strategic Paper (PRSP). For the last few years, international aid community promoted programapproach, which would coordinate financial and technical assistance from external agencies under the framework of PRSP developed by the respective aid receiving countries, instead of each agency implementing projects separately. In the education sector, education sector programs have been started in many countries as sector-level efforts of aid coordination. A characteristic of education sector programs is that they are driven by two different mandates set internationally. Namely, they have to align themselves with both the goal of universal primary education (EFA) and poverty reduction framework. Because of the strong external force, education sector programs are dragged to give a heavy weight on basic (primary and lower secondary) education, while reducing the funds for other sub-sectors such as vocational, higher, and non-formal education. While the philosophy of the recent aid modality is to shift authority from aid agencies to the government, education sector programs are remarkably similar across countries, regardless of the diversity of conditions and educational demands in respective countries. Primarily, the sector program approach is devised as a mechanism to better utilize the internationally assisted resources. The issue here is how much this aid approach can be flexible to meet the educational demands of specific countries, while, at the same time, aligning with the EFA goal.

In this paper, the author reviews three education sector programs: those of Mozambique, Ethiopia, and Zambia. Using these cases, she will examine the possibility of balancing international and local demands in planning and implementing education sector programs.