This paper discusses what climate change really means for international development cooperation between developed countries and developing countries. This research question can be divided into the following three sub-questions: (1) How does climate change impact developing countries? (2) What is the cost benefit of climate policy for developing countries? (3) What does climate change request in order to reform development policy and international development cooperation?

To analyze these sub questions, we focus on the consensus sent out by the Stern Review, the International Panel on Climate Change—4^th Assessment Report, and United Nations Development Program-Human Development Report, among others.

The state of international development cooperation and measures focusing on mitigation and adaptation, and the cost of the impact of climate change on developing countries, are serious issues. Since the Industrial Revolution, temperature increases higher than 2°C pose a risk which has a remarkable negative influence to both advanced and developing countries. However, developing countries are especially vulnerable to climate change risk by various factors: natural geographic factor, as many of these countries are located in tropical areas; industrial factor, with an emphasis on farming as the center; economic-social factor, which includes low income and a large income disparity.

The future generation of developing countries and the social cost at stake due to climate change were indicated in the Stern Review, which emphasized a firm climate policy and early action, as well as cost benefit analysis. Mitigation and adaptation are important measures for developing countries to handle climate change; however, most importantly, these countries first need to adopt a national policy themselves. But it's impossible for developing counties with low social capacity to make and to implement an effective climate policy without support by effective international development cooperation.

Support for developing countries has been sung by UNFCCC regarding mitigation and adaptation by developed countries through negotiations of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, but the situation is very insufficient. It is time to seriously consider forming a new international system to support mitigation and adaptation in a developing country.

This paper investigates the role development assistance plays in promoting democratic transition, from both empirical and normative perspectives. We will first survey the recent policy debates and then lay out the conceptual and normative discussion concerning democracy, political equality, governance and their interrelations with development assistance. This is followed by a review of the recent historical trend for democratization and what scholars have so far learned about variables that may promote or hinder democratization.

Education is regarded as an important factor for achieving basic human right in developing countries as well as for their socio-economic development. Education is also expected to contribute to building a multi-cultural and peaceful world. This paper, at first, describes historical development of these three expectations on education by international aid community and critically analyzes the current trend of international cooperation in education. Then, this paper discusses current status of educational development research from the three conflicting perspectives of (1) external effect of education vs. internal efficiency of education, (2) development oriented approach vs. education centered approach, and (3) dependency theory vs. modernization theory, and tries to prospect future direction of this academic field of educational development and international cooperation in education.

Recent global financial and economic crisis is regarded as the “exogenous shock” to developing countries. As reflecting current globalization, the shocks' transmission mechanisms to developing economies are diversified and deepened. Responding to the shocks, macroeconomic policies by developing nations were also changed from the past with emphasis on the role of fiscal policy. As there are two aspects such as flow effect in the short-term by demand side and stock effect in the long-term by supply side derived from public investment, the short term impact of developing aid should be addressed in addition to the longer term impact on growth and poverty reduction.

Both donors and recipients must negotiate before they agree upon foreign aid contracts. As a first step to study ODA (Official Development Assistance) negotiations, we start to assume a sole motive of aid to be selfish especially for donors. Although it might be unusual to treat both donors and recipients as equal negotiators in foreign aid literature, it is quite natural in economics in general. In this paper, donors send foreign aid resources to recipients while the latter transfers something back to the former in return for the aid. Even in a simple setting (one donor, one recipient and one good), we confirmed a fundamental but interesting reality: Foreign aid occurs only when the wealth difference between a donor and a recipient is high. Also, depending on the negotiations, their welfare levels and income inequality vary: Both a donor and a recipient become better-off when the income inequality declines as a result of foreign aid. However, one (a donor or a recipient) becomes better-off (the other remains the same) when the income inequality rises. We considered multiple donors and recipients in order to analyze the effects of competition and collusion. We discussed the UN as a typical place of aid negotiations among multiple donors and recipients, and found that aid contracts can be affected by the majority rule in the UN. Lastly, we analyzed an extended case where each vote in the UN values differently to each member country.

This paper provides a critical review of the literature on economic analysis of development aid and its relevance to the development aid policies and practices. The review is organized in two stages. First, the main features of the analysis and its progress are reviewed. Issues of aid selectivity, aid effectiveness, poverty analysis, aid fungibility, governance, modality, and transaction cost analysis of aid are reviewed. Second, the theoretical progress is evaluated from the point of view of application to the policy and practice of current issues in the Japanese development assistance. It is concluded with some proposals to improve the Japanese development assistance.

The importance of quantitative impact evaluation of development programs using statistical or econometric methods has been increasingly recognized among researchers, foreign aid practitioners, and policy makers. Accordingly, such impact evaluation has been widely implemented. This paper aims to overview research and practices on impact evaluation to readers who are not familiar with statistics or econometrics. First, this paper discusses why simple comparison of outcomes of participants before and after the program or outcomes of participants and non-participants does not necessarily lead to impact evaluation. Then, I explain two leading methods of impact evaluation, randomized experiments and propensity score matching. Most importantly, the two methods eliminate, or at least alleviate, biases in the estimate of the effect of a program due to arbitrary selection of participants in the program. I also present as an example impact evaluation of Japanese aid-funded technical assistance projects in the Indonesian foundry industry using propensity score matching. This example shows that impact evaluation can lead to cost-benefit analysis of the program and suggestion of better program designs. Finally, I provide suggestions to the evaluation system of Japanese aid-funded programs.

This paper is aimed at clarifying characteristics of the Poverty Reduction Aid Regime, the regime's new aspects which appeared in the 2000s, and Japan's position in relation with the regime. Though the International Regime theory's general applicability has been challenged, it can well explain continuation and changes in agreements and rules among international aid donors for low-income countries. Succeeding the Structural Adjustment Regime which was formulated in the 1980s, the Poverty Reduction Regime shares some characteristics with its predecessor regime but differs from it in important points. Under the Poverty Reduction regime, respect for recipients' ownership, close coordination and harmonization among donors, and prioritization of human poverty reduction are uniquely emphasized. For donors leading the regime such as northwestern European donors, public debt relief for low-income countries was practically the most important issue. Also, radical aid reforms to realize coordination and harmonization are pursued by them. For the purpose of avoiding repetition of undue debt accumulation and economic mismanagement in recipient countries, they promoted formulation and implementation of Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS), with which each aid input is to be aligned. General Budgetary Support (GBS) is being recommended as the best leverage to let recipient governments formulate and implement PRS, whereby expected reforms are pushed forward. The Japanese government was reluctant in agreeing to the wholesale debt relief and has been suspicious about effectiveness of new initiatives including GBS, alignment, and harmonization, while it formally has not been against the agreements and the rules of the Poverty Reduction Regime and signed the Paris Declaration stipulating them. The country, however, has heralded the slogan of “poverty reduction through economic growth”, which could be regarded as differentiation form the Regime's inclination to reduction of human poverty. Yet, the regime's leading donors has also slightly extended their perspective so that infrastructure development could be incorporated into their priority area of assistance while maintaining the regime's fundamental characteristics. Rather real difference and challenge to the regime could come from emergence of new donors such as China. This could generate also a challenge and at the same time opportunities for Japan's aid, the only non-Western DAC member for the future.

This paper discusses how Japan could and should enhance African growth strategies, by bringing the East Asian perspectives of development and aid into international growth support. More specifically, it argues the usefulness of complementing the “framework approach” of typical Western donors who are principle-oriented and interested in setting the framework right, with the East Asian “ingredient approach” which pays greater attention to real-sector economy, including sectoral composition or industrial organization, and concrete facts on the ground.

After the introduction, the paper is organized into four sections. The first section reviews selected growth literature that has contributed to the recent growth resurgence in the global development debates and discusses their contributions and limitations. Notably, while the Growth Diagnostics framework (Hausmann, Rodrik, Velasco 2005) marks an important departure from the “Washington Consensus,” it remains confined to the framework approach, by focusing on the discovery of general weaknesses relative to global norms (instead of the country's unique strengths). Neither does it offer practical methodologies for concrete problem-solving, since it searches for desirable policies without considering political and administrative feasibility. The second section analyzes the key features of East Asian “ingredient approach,” by reviewing the development experiences of successful East Asian countries, as well as Japan's aid approach. Over the past decades, the East Asian countries overcame development challenges by building new competitiveness from the country's strengths, setting specific goals and taking concrete actions to achieve the goals. Japan's aid in East Asia has also assisted partner countries in identifying both economically desirable and politically feasible solutions through continuous policy dialogue and think-together approach, goal orientation and field-based concrete thinking. While time-consuming, these processes have contributed to finding a solution suitable for a country-specific case (instead of common answers). The third section presents a case study on Ethiopia, who is strongly interested in the East Asian development experiences and is mobilizing massive donor support to growth promotion. The analysis of the nature of Ethiopia's ownership and the existing growth support by the Western donors suggests that there exists a good potential for Japan to make complementary contributions to the country's growth promotion, especially by offering concrete policy alternatives and practical approaches to problem-solving. The last section concludes by discussing the above implications for Japan's TICAD IV commitment to supporting Africa's growth and sustainable development.

This paper examines the basic relationships among cross-country data of manufacturing, growth, governance and institutions, and development aid. We show a clear non-linear relationship between manufacturing and income level, which possibly complicates the discussion on industrialization in the developed and developing countries. Manufacturing growth is confirmed to be negatively correlated with growth volatility, and positively correlated with commonly used governance indicators, i.e., property rights and constraints on the executive power. Aid is found to be negatively correlated with manufacturing growth as Rajan and Subramanian (2008) pointed out.

In this paper, a civil engineering approach in tackling poverty in rural area of developing countries is introduced.

Provision and maintenance of rural roads are instrumental in economic development, the economy of most of developing countries is agricultural and large proportions of their population live in the rural areas where accessibility and road conditions are largely poor. Roads become impassable during the rainy season preventing transportation of farm produce to markets and thus accounting for a large proportion of losses incurred by farmers who otherwise depend on agriculture.

The authors, with this recognition, have carried out full scale model driving tests and field demonstrations on rural road maintenance using Do-nou “a Japanese term for soilbag” and involving rural people themselves. In this method, only locally available material is required and all procedures are conducted manually. This process is participatory, organized farmers' groups who are trained by the authors repair and maintain the road; armed with the transferred knowledge, the farmers continue to maintain their road with Do-nou even after the civil engineers are gone. It is found that the road maintenance with Do-nou is so simple and effective that the farmers who participated in the construction were encouraged, motivated and felt owners of the road. Additionally it can be said that Do-nou technology gives people the motivation to improve their life leading to poverty reduction.

In order to meet goals of this newly developed technology, it is important that the technology take root in the target communities. In this study, four approaches of technology transfer in four countries have been used.

An approach for poverty reduction as civil engineers has been established through focused subject of study, relevant technological development, field demonstrations and knowledge extension/transfer. By following up this approach, the community people in the third world will be able to access the marckets and services hence poverty reduction.

Past experiences in the field of international development tell us that participatory development does not always yield sustainable community development, despite efforts to foster people's initiatives. Situations in which a community does not sustain its development activities autonomously are not uncommon. A fundamental cause of this could be perceptional gaps between the interveners and the intervened. In fact, the concepts of participatory development itself have been historically constructed by the interveners, who are usually out of touch with community life. In this sense, the idea of participatory development has been based on the essentialism of the interveners.

This article tries to clarify the perceptional gap between the interveners and the intervened by examining the relation between autonomous and heteronomous natures and participatory approaches. To examine this relation, the article seeks to verify the following two hypotheses. 1) In a community, autonomous and heteronomous natures inhere concurrently. 2) A participatory approach has an influence over autonomous and heteronomous natures of a community. These hypotheses are verified through a case study of a Tanzanian community.

The article refers to the social theories of Niklas Luhmann to define the autonomous and heteronomous natures of a community. The main reason for referring to the social theories is that the level of analysis in those theories is that of society and people, so the article automatically clarifies the nature of community by referring to the social theories and thus is able to analyze the community while ignoring the essentialism of the interveners.

It is widely accepted that development, peace or stability requires an effective and legitimate state that is able to fulfill key international responsibilities and provide core political goods and services, including security. Actually, the International Community has increasingly engaged with so-called “Fragile States” and has recognized that “Fragile States” require sustained attention.

However, there is currently little agreement on either the definition or the criteria of “Fragile States” among scholars and international development agencies; there are some competitive terms such as “Failed States,” “Weak States,” and “Collapsed States,” which identify states that lack the capacity to discharge their normal functions as a state. Thus, this article aims to address this conceptual shortcoming and bring greater clarity to the discussion on fragility.

Many states failed and disappeared in the past, such as the Soviet Union or Rhodesia. However, in the modern world, states including “Fragile States” rarely disappear because the International Community supports their legal stability. In other words, the International Community has to struggle with “Fragile States” due to this legal stability. How, then, should the International Community conceptualize and implement responses to profound state fragility?

This paper applied the agency theory to examine the relationship between the government and the citizen within a fragile state. The nation can be seen as a principal that has inherent rights. On the other hand, the government is an agent that is a substitute to exercise the principal's rights by providing political goods.

The principal-agent problem arises easily when an agent (state) provides the principal (citizen) with political goods because it is inevitably under the condition of incomplete and asymmetrical information. When the state fails to provide political goods, the nation has to be provided by the sub-sector agent. This often causes a security problem within the state, which sometimes is confronted with the original agent of the state. Consequently, the International Community should help “Fragile States” to deliver political goods in order to avoid a security crisis, which spreads easily into neighboring countries.

Participatory rural development has increased its weight in the field of international development since 1990's. The word “Participation” has been included explicitly in the objectives and activities of those projects. On the other hand, the experience of the livelihood improvement programme (LIP) in post-war Japan has been “discovered” as an early example of the rural development supported and influenced by foreign donors.

The LIP was newly introduced into Japan by the General Headquarters of the Allied Powers (GHQ) after World War II. The LIP developed as a comprehensive rural development programme with the purpose of achieving the democratization of rural communities. This newly established programme aimed to provide rural inhabitants, especially young women with the opportunity to be exposed to a variety of new livelihood ideas and techniques. It was different from the rigid pre-war extension ideals, which dealt exclusively with agricultural instruction.

In this article, the livelihood improvement extension system in post-war Japan which was the core of the LIP is compared to the US system founded in 1914. The US extension system was the model for Japan's extension system. Therefore emphasis is placed on the structure of organization systems and functions of the extension worker. The system implemented in Japan was modified from the US blueprint, to include aspects of pre-war Japanese ideologies.

In addition, an overview of the characteristics of the LIP in Japan in particular, the character and significance of “participation” and “empowerment” is clarified in this article. Analysis of the LIP from the view point of the participatory rural developments is evaluated.

For adopting a new system, not only building organizations, but also nurturing people's natural abilities is a key factor in the experience of Japan's rural development. This situation is common in developing countries today. Therefore Japan's participatory rural development will act as an invaluable model, illustrating the importance of adopting external ideals to best utilize the local resources.

Since 2001, JICA has been supporting a south-south cooperation scholarship program in ASEAN, providing opportunities for university faculty staff from less developed ASEAN countries to study higher degree programs in more advanced ASEAN counties, under its support for ASEAN University Network/Southeast Asian Engineering Education Development Network (AUN/SEED-Net). This paper evaluates the Program in comparison with “traditional” scholarship program supported by developed countries in which students study in so-called developed countries. Analysis of questionnaires collected from management team of the member institutions of AUN/SEED-Net and from faculty members who studied in ASEAN under the Program or in developed countries under the traditional program indicates the followings:

Firstly, no significant difference is found in outputs between the two programs, which are measured by assessing how much two major objectives of the programs, namely (1) educational and research capacity enhancement of faculty staff and member institutions and (2) strengthening of ties between the countries, have been achieved. In addition, the Program, as a south-south cooperation, has developed capacity of the more advanced developing countries through the support activities for the less advanced countries and increased resources available for assistance for developing countries.

Secondly, students who studied at a receiving institution with better educational/research environment tend to have produced outputs at higher level. Graduates whose home institutions offer better work environments after their return also tend to have produced outputs at higher level. No relationship was observed between level of outputs and other factors such as qualification before the study, living environment or age.

In conclusion, the Program is as effective and efficient as the traditional program, especially when cost is also taken into consideration, as the cost for the Program is much lower than that for the traditional program. It is also important to improve the educational/research environment of the receiving and sending institutions, which is still relatively low in several aspects at the AUN/SEED-Net member institutions, in order to further enhance the outputs.

For the rapid urbanization in the developing countries, it is necessary to clarify what would be issues for realization of “Sustainable City” with the balance of the urban growth and the environment control and how those issues could be solved. In the past a manner to solve them required a huge amount of investment for the basic infrastructure in a mega-city. Such approaches have, however, limitations. The infrastructure investment only corresponding to the demand increase should be changed and it becomes important to control the demand.

In order to solve or to mitigate the problems in urbinization, the urban planning that includes the rural development is indispensable. And a social structure with the vicious cycle must be cut off. (i.e. migration from rural to urban⇒lack of infrastructure/shortage of employment opportunity/disorder development⇒ the urban poverty) In the past experience of JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency) and other donor agencies in the area of rural development, there are many approaches such as the rural road construction, the irrigation facility, the micro community development, etc. But the vision of regional planning in the rural area is not shown clearly.

In India, the concept of PURA (Provision of Urban Amenities in Rural Areas) has been proposed. The pilot projects are implemented in some states in India. PURA is a rural planning model to vitalize the rural area and to provide the urban amenities that the rural people can easily utilize so that the migration from the urban to rural area would be controlled. The development issues in the rural area, such as the poverty and/or insufficient infrastructure, are not attractive for the economic activities because there are difficulties to establish a market for the growth and to create a new business. In addition, the small population in the rural area is not enough to make the effective and efficient investment for the public infrastructure. The idea of PURA is to provide the public facilities, employment opportunities, a certain scale of market in the rural area with a key word “CONNECTIVITY”. This kind of plan for rural development may be said “RURBANISATION”

This paper is to discuss the basic scheme of PURA with a case study on Raipur PURA in the State Chhattisgarh, India, and points out the issues for implementing PURA projects.

The study focused on citizen participation in the primary collection process of municipal solid waste management and adopted the “community-based approach” which is often used in current development assistances. Chittagong City (CC), the second largest city in Bangladesh, was selected as the study area. The objectives are as follows:

(1) Analyzing current situation of the municipal solid waste management in CC.

(2) Identifying needs for improvement of current waste collection services.

(3) Examining the acceptability of community-based waste management, especially individual primary collection, called “Door-to-Door collection”.

Interview survey was conducted in3community wards to ask residents to answer the questionnaire prepared in advance to attain the objectives. Summary of the interview results was as follows:

(1) 15％ of residents who are illegally dumping are family members of the lowest and lower income classes, and half of them do not know the place of the nearest dustbin.

(2) Most residents are satisfied with the secondary collection service by Chittagong City Corporation (CCC). Some residents, however, give some critical comments on sweepers, and also on CCC, which say that CCC does not have enough capacity for the municipal solid waste management.

(3) Almost all residents of all income classes will accept introduction of the individual primary collection service; however, only some residents have willingness to participate in community-based organization or waste management organization.

There are three types of measures considered for improving the current situation, i.e., improvement of dustbin operation, introduction of door-to-door collection and improvement in public awareness. The situation of solid waste management in each ward varies with its characteristics, and the level of public awareness; therefore, the different approach should be taken to improve the situation ward by ward. The measures should include necessary assignments and recommendable priority to make the improvements.