After the foundation of the People's Republic of China, a non-optimal deforestation has been put into practice. This enhances ecological problems like the depletion of forest resources, topsoil erosion, desertification, the decrease of biotic diversification, frequent disaster and so fourth. Under such cases, Chinese government took a series measures as “forest management policy”, “natural forest protection policy”, “making fields into forest policy” to develop domestic forest industry. Yet such management policies as protecting forest resources, important consideration of increasing forest courses are based on optimal management, the consideration from economic point is not adequate enough. The present study, by employing the case study in Xinjiang and from the prospect of forest resource management model, investigated the validity of expected standard of forest resource quantity and deforestation standard there from the economic prospect. The forest resources policy of planning deforestation standard implemented in Xinjiang has reached the control level that the optimal management of forest resources can be maintained sustainably, yet it greatly lowers from the optimal level. This study results showed that even if the planning deforestation is raised to the optimal deforestation, the sustainable resource level keeps its continuation.
It is widely accepted that policy for women in peacebuilding is a crucial issue, yet there are some academic discussions that policy for women by the UN (United Nations) tends to be marginalised. This note attempts to discuss and reveal the UN's flawed implementation of policy for women in peacebuilding operations focusing on the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR1325). The resolution was adopted in 2000 for improving female active involvement in conflict resolution, conflict prevention, peacebuilding operations and peacekeeping operations. The literature review on SCR1325 and its implementation describes that the resolution gave women a positive role in peacebuilding operations; however, other literature also criticises the fact that SCR1325 was used as a convenient loophole for the UN to marginalise and ghettoise policy for women from peacebuilding operations.
To examine the attitude of the UN towards policy for women in peacebuilding operations based on SCR1325, DDRR (Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration and Repatriation) for ex-female combatants in UNMIL, (the United Nations Mission in Liberia) was investigated. In DDRR, some consideration by the UN for female participants has been shown; however, there were some difficulties for women. Moreover, there are some criticisms that some difficulties was caused due to lack of consideration by the UN.
The study revealed the reason why the policy by the UN for women is afforded such low priority can be explained using the power relationship between the UN and the aid recipient country, Liberia, in peacebuilding operations. Developed countries, including those within the UN, are likely to introduce a western-oriented liberal economy, rational institutions and policies to conflict-affected countries in the context of the peacebuilding. In the process, it seems that post-conflict society, e.g. Liberia, is forced to accept the institution due to the power relationship. Moreover, the ‘gender hierarchy’, that is the system that privileges maleness and underestimates the female status, is also embedded in the transplanted system; and ‘gender hierarchy’ is also latent in the discourse within SCR1325. In conclusion, it is possible for the article to suggest that due to the power relationship on peacebuilding operations between the UN and the aid recipient country, and ‘gender hierarchy’, the policy for women by the UN tends to be afforded low priority in peacebuilding operations.
Improving the quality of education has been regarded as a key issue in achieving “Education for All (EFA).” However, the current discourse on EFA has a tendency of concentrating on subject knowledge, thus examination scores are widely adopted as an indicator of good quality education. It should be noted that school education has a role beyond acquiring such knowledge. The school also serves as a venue for students to develop relationships among their classmates — to make friends. Nevertheless, a few educational studies in sub-Saharan African countries have focused on non-cognitive roles of primary schooling.
This study aimed at investigating the roles and effects of friendship formation among children in Kenyan primary schools. Key-informant interviews and participant observation were the principal tools utilized in order to grasp the current situation of such phenomena in school. The perceptions on friendship by children and their teachers were extensively explored. The study also analyzed how friendship formation plays a role on students' school life from socio-cultural perspectives including ethnicities and traditional cultural values, as well as exam-oriented competition.
Children view friendship from five perspectives: (1) cooperative work in classroom learning, (2) mutual cooperation outside the classroom, (3) enhancing and sustaining the motivation to learn, (4) family-like relationships, and (5) means of controlling jealousy. On the other hand, teachers argue that friendship has three aspects: (1) traditional practice of mutual collaboration, (2) understanding people of other ethnic backgrounds, and (3) ignorance to moral norms and discipline. Two significant terms, “helpfulness” and “sharing” were recognized as fundamental elements of friendship among school children. With regard to the key roles of friendship formation, they are (1) socialization through interaction among students, and (2) acquisition of necessary support in school life based on empathy. These findings might be of help in further understanding the quality of school education from another viewpoint.
Theory of international trade has underscored the positive effect of trade liberalization on economic growth and poverty reduction. However, the empirical application remains mixed, depending on the experiments, data, models and underlying assumptions. In the long run, trade liberalization can be expected to have a positive impact on growth and poverty but its impact may be negative in the short run, depending on the source of income of the poor and the impact on prices of goods and services that the poor consume. From the policy standpoint, it has been argued that complementary and compensatory policies to trade reforms play a crucial role in maximizing the potential benefit of trade liberalization and addressing the costs associated with trade reforms. Thus, this paper connects a CGE model and a microsimulation model to illustrate how trade liberalization can be combined with domestic complementary and compensatory policies in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In this article, an alternative approach to citizenship promotion is explored, drawing on the author's fieldwork in rural Bhutan. The country's recent democratic reforms encourage its citizens to become self-reliant and avoid ongoing relations of dependency, drawing on the conventiona ‘l liberal/civic republican’ models of citizenship. This move has caused ambivalence among villagers, who appreciate the reforms, but are also concerned about their adverse effects on communal bonds that have bound them by trust and reciprocity. While the ‘radical democratic’ model of citizenship would urge villagers to divulge such dilemma, they would have to articulate it in a public arena with the protocol of decorum that they are not conversant with. This disadvantageous nature of political deliberations would be overcome, under the ‘symbolic’ citizenship model, which would serve to allow villagers to narrate their views on the democratic reforms in a more informal, spontaneous setting. Such citizen participation, however, is not always the top priority of villagers, given the multitude of tasks and issues that they deal with in their daily lives.
In the view of real-world complexities that prevent any of the existing models from capturing the entirety of villagers' lives, an alternative ‘dialogical’ approach is called for, which accords them the leverage to set the terms of their own citizenship, through continual dialogue and conversation among themselves, and with researchers and policymakers. In this way, citizenship promotion will not only be able to better take into account the polyvalent nature of people's daily experiences, but will also arrive at an approach that problematizes and marks a departure from the scientifically constructed models of citizenship, which project regularities and logic onto the non-theoretical and multi-dimensional flows of people's daily lives.
The purpose of this study is to examine the social development of poor women in rural Daudkandi Thana, Kumilla District, Bangladesh.
This paper analyzes previous studies and interviews conducted during 1997-2012, with the primary focus of this study being ASA's philosophy and activities of Samity (a small group) for poor women who have been living in P village, Daudkandi Thana.
ASA is one of the largest microfinance institutions and NGOs in Bangladesh. Since 1993, staff members of ASA have encouraged the formation of Samity and the efficient use of microfinance for the social development programme in P village. In addition, since 2006, they have been organizing landless women who live in the slum area into Samity at the grass-roots level. As of 2010, this Samity is organized by 27 women, 13 of whom live in the slum area, and among them 7 households comprising only a poor mother and children. These women have been participating in the social development programme, to promote their empowerment and to strengthen self-reliance for themselves as well as for their family members, thereby contributing to poverty alleviation. Also, some female members who have never depended on Mahajan (moneylenders), have created self-employment opportunities for themselves through microfinance. On the other hand, some households have been emancipated from exploitative Mahajan as a result of the microfinance of ASA and BRAC.
The slum area in P village is one of the most socially and economically depressed area in Daudkandi Thana. In fact, since 2007, BRAC has also been organizing Samity in this area. However a crucial problem faced by those managing the microfinance programme, as identified by ASA and BRAC, lies in defaults on repayment. Thus, staff members of ASA and BRAC, in collaboration with the staff members of other NGOs, have been deliberating on the issues of defaults on payments, social and human deprivation, and social problems as a whole at cooperative meetings held in Daudkandi Thana.
In conclusion, we conducted an analysis of the situation and concluded that ASA, BRAC, and other NGOs have been cohesively working in cooperation with each other to achieve empowerment for empower poor women in this rural area of Daudkandi Thana. Also, the Civil Society such as NGOs plays an important role in this areas actually even advancing social development in rural Daudkandi Thana, Bangladesh, involved in the endogenous development in the rural areas and the realization of well-being for poor female members as well as their family members.
The study examines the microfinance-poverty nexus in Uganda and specifically focuses on effects of microcredit on the welfare of households taking into account their socio-demographic characteristics. The Heckman two-step selection modelling technique was applied on Uganda National Household Surveys (2005/2006&1999/2000) data. The results revealed that the poor as well as the wage earner are less likely to seek for credit services. Besides, microcredit borrowers who invested in productive activities significantly improved their welfare compared to those who used credit for consumption expenses. This result is further emphasized in the interactions of ‘loan amount’ and ‘repayment period’ in that the longer time loan recipients pay for the loan, the wealthier they become. The study suggests that access to microfinance is not enough weapon for improving people's wellbeing, but rather how the credit is utilised, and with appropriate repayment period are the key issues that need to be addressed if we are to make microcredit pro-poor.