Having observed a parallel advancement of globalization and regionalization, this paper first reviews new motives behind the new breed of regional trading arrangements (RTAs). This paper then analyzes the factors of the South's regional integration in the past and shows that the economic gravity such as economic dynamism, supply of capital, and complementarity has been the key for regional integration. As this economic gravity often lies in the North's markets, an open trade framework that connects the South with the North is recommended. This paper thus supports the general superiority of a North-South RTA over a South-South RTA. Simulation analyses conducted with a computable general equilibrium world trade model suggest, however, that membership in a RTA, even a large North-South RTA such as APEC does not guarantee welfare gains for the developing countries. This paper asserts that, from the viewpoint of the developing countries, complementary domestic and border reforms supported by the new motives for RTAs should be viewed as prerequisites for welfare gains from a membership in such a regional arrangement.
This study compares the recent emigration pattern from farmlands during the periods of 1985-1990 and of 1990-1995 using the population census. Emigration to other areas of the same province has decreased from 16 million to 12 million, while that to other provinces has increased from 6.6 million to 7.8 million. Among them, the emigration to farmlands of the other provinces during 1990-1995 has increased to more than double that of the previous period, suggesting job creation by the establishment of farm-based industries.
Emigration from 29 provinces, excluding Tibet, are categorized into 6 groups according to the pattern of the trans-provincial destination by the Cluster-Analysis method. One group to which Shanghai belongs includes a remote province, Xinjiang, while the other 5 groups consist of adjacent provinces. The emigration of those who were brought from Shanghai to Xinjaing during the Cultural Revolution period to their birthplace could be a reason for the result. A multivariate analysis suggests that distance and difference of economic situation between farmland and destination could be important factors for farmers when they decide their destination. By comparing the results from these two different periods, it is found that the destinations of trans-provincial emigration are concentrated in Beijing, Shanghai, Guandong, and Xinjian. Emigration to these four provinces amounts to 39.8% of the total trans-provincial emigration during 1990-1995.
Urban areas of 99 large cities, which are likely destinations for the farmers, are also categorized into 9 groups according to the improvement of infrastructure. Capital cities of the provinces in the southern region, including Guangzhou, are categorized into groups where electricity and water supply are being somewhat improved. On the other hand, improvement in the water supplies are relatively slow in northern capital cities including Beijing, reflecting the shortage of water supply along the Yellow river.
Not a few arguments have already been heard regarding the real cause of Asian Currency Crisis in 1997. Although some of those arguments tend to conclude that the Crisis was caused by compounded factors, this article, while focusing on the case of Thailand where the whole series of Asian Crisis took fire and investigating the realty of the policy direction chosen by the government during the recent years of Economic Liberalization, tries to describe the causal relation among the supposed different factors which leaded to the Crisis. Also, based on such an interpretation of the cause and effects, the article goes into the details of the policy reform of the government guided by IMF under its well-known pressure of the ‘conditionalities’ set in exchange for the actual cash drawing.
The first part of the study focuses on the Financial Crisis which must have started in Thailand at latest since in the middle of 1995 and become most serious by the end of 1996. While inquiring into its origin, the study get to the several facts to suggests the Financial Crisis must have been leaded by the very policies of the government introduced in the recent course of Economic Liberalization, including the financial liberalization, capital market expansion, enhancement of real-estate trades, etc.. Next focus is made on the long argued problem of the huge current account deficit, which is seemed to one of the factors that have played one role in the causal link of the Currency Crisis. The study sees the essence of this problem in the structural trade deficit which must be originated in the government's very policy for industrialization depending too much upon the Foreign Direct Investments. The last part of the article, after looking into the details of IMF reform, suggests one interpretation to see it as an ambitious trial for a dynamic change of the oligopolistic structure of Thailand's financial sector. The study sees such an attitude of IMF's trial in one example of the company law reform, namely the Corporate Reorganization Bill, where one tipical battle can be observed between the reformers and the so-called nationalism asserted by the local business circles who stick to their vested rights in the oligopoly.
The institutional framework of participatory development is characterized by the nature of interaction among various actors such as government, market, community, and intermediary organizations. By analyzing the institutional function of intermediary organization which channel resources and information between government and community, the institutional framework which promote peoples' participation can be identified.
This article attempted to examine the interaction among three actors from the 13 cases of intermediary organizations to analyze following three institutional aspects. The first is the institutional functions among actors and who bears transaction costs. The second is the institutional mechanism which affects transaction costs and the incentive structure which promotes participation. The third is the nature of social capital which affects the institutional function, mechanism and incentives.
In the institutional framework of participatory development, institutional functions of intermediary organizations can be classified into 5 types according to who take initiatives and bear transaction cost. They are the contact point, service delivery, promoter, facilitator, and assistance types. The major institutional mechanisms identified in the cases are group formation, networks, and contract. The incentive for participation is mainly to obtain access to material benefits, resources and information. These institutional mechanisms are deeply affected by nature of social capital. As the social capital accumulates, the transaction cost required for group formation is tends to decline.
The Institutional framework will evolve as the function of intermediary organization changes according to the capability of community organizations and the density of networks with outside systems. The evolutionary direction of intermediary organizations can be indicated from the promoter to facilitator, and then to assistance type, as well as service delivery to contact point type.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the roles of nonformal education for socio-economic development in Thailand and to suggest the future direction of this sector. Thai nonformal education is a well developed system and is recognized as a key agent for upgrading the human resources in this country. This paper first reviews the philosophy and system of Thai nonformal education, then identifies problems of quantity and quality in nonformal education provision regarding budget, students population, curriculum development, assessment, teaching profession, teaching media, continuity between formal and nonformal education. This paper highlights the fact that nonformal education provides people, especially disadvantaged population, with not only skills and knowledge but also motivation and power to participate in development process.
This paper aims to analyze the structure of human resource development assistance of the United States. The United States has emphasized technical assistance in its assistance policy since 1950s when the United States launched foreign aid to developing world. In accordance with its policy strategy, the participant training program was regarded as its vital element and set up from the beginning. Since then, many participants have come to the United States for their studies or training from all over the developing world.
In this study, the survey was conducted with the aim of evaluation of the program. Based on the data of the responses of the questionnaires, in addition to descriptions of reports which were published by government agencies, it is suggested that the participant training program enjoy good evaluations. Two important factors are pointed out: one is the concrete and clear goal of the program, especially for the skills and knowledge. The other is high standard level of higher education in the United States.
However, a lot of evaluation reports of the participant training program indicate the lack of internal efficiency of the program implementation system within USAID. The lack has resulted in the vague and weak status of assistance policy.
The educational exchange program is the U.S. acceptance program of foreign students and researchers, and is the other module of human resource development assistance at higher education level. However, the educational exchange program is mainly for student and reseatchers of developed countries on the contrary of other developed countries programs. Therefore, the participant training program has constituted a critical role in the human resource development assistance of the United States.
As mentioned above, the participant training program has occupied the vague and weak position, then the program has been controlled by the short-term assistance policy objectives. As it is obvious that human resource development needs long-term investments in developing countries, the U.S. would be required to rebuild the structure of the human resource development assistance.
Small scale credit schemes have attracted much attention as an effective tool to alleviate poverty by helping low-income people expand and improve their businesses and production. However, a safe and convenient saving facility is also needed to decrease their vulnerability in unforeseen crisis and to deal with their urgent and social needs. Such a facility helps secure the living standards of poor people by smoothing their consumption.
The purpose of this report is to analyze the system of the SEWA Cooperative Bank of India, which was voluntarily started by low-income women themselves, and which mobilizes voluntary savings from those women, provides unsecured loans for their businesses and houses, and functions as a financial intermediary, while attaining a high degree of financial viability.
The SEWA Bank system is characterized by the following.
1) A “savings first” approach, which requires women to save regularly before receiving loans.
2) Linkage between the deposit amount and the advancement of loans
3) A wide range of savings facilities
4) A guarantor requirement for individual unsecured loans
5) Utilization of information on non-financial market in sanctioning loans and the provision of non-financial assistance through other related organizations
Interviews with customers of the SEWA Bank indicate:
1) A need for and an ability of low-income women to save their money
2) An incentive effect of the linkage between deposits and loans in mobilizing savings
3) A consumption smoothing effect of deposits
However, the SEWA Bank has a problem in that the poorest still have limited access to credit. Still, it shows the possibility that a small savings and credit scheme can grow to a sustainable financial intermediary institution which serves the needs of low-income people.