This paper traces the evolution of Ishikawa's unique scholarship in the definition and methodology of development economics, with particular emphasis on the theoretical and empirical studies on the situation of underdevelopment of markets and market economy, as well as the process of their development over time. On the methodological aspects, the process of evolution of his research paradigm of the “stage-cum-typology” framework is presented and examined, and search for “Ishikawa-Lite” versions of this paradigm is proposed with a view to promoting its adaptation and renovation. With regard to Ishikawa's political economy of “adaptation” in policy reform process, while its significance and unique contribution is duly recognized, some questions and tasks for further research are presented.
It is hoped that this paper will help familiarize younger generations of researchers with Ishikawa's scholastic achievements and motivate them to explore ways to adapt and renovate them in their own studies.
Late Professor Ishikawa Shigeru devoted his last years to envisaging “recovery” of Japan's intellectual leadership in the aid donor community and, for that purpose, formulation of Japan's own understanding and strategy to support development of Africa, the most important issue for the donor community. As Ishikawa indicated, Japan's low-key stance and isolation emanated from her uniqueness as a donor, such as the origin of aid being war reparation to Asian neighbors, her close and changing relations with industrializing Asian recipients, and initiative on the side of the recipients, which is very different from European countries. Ishikawa claimed, on the other hand, that such uniqueness led to formation of Japan's positive characteristics of patience, attentive dialogue, cooperative works in interaction with recipients. Ishikawa suggested that such characteristics could enable the country to contribute noticeably to development of low-income countries, such as those in Africa. To realize this, however, we have to understand Africa's development challtenges comprehensively. In this context, Ishikawa's framework to analyze economic development as a unique historical process is very useful. The framework is designed to capture three major aspects of economic development, namely, political regime, market economy, and production capacity. Ishikawa himself attempted to apply this framework with reference to Africa and propose necessary actions. To complement his analytical attempts, this paper argues: in addition to Ishikawa's keen attention to patrimonial character of the state, we should consider more about the rootlessness of the state in the political regime dimension; the state rootlessness might be a grave hindrance to development of market economy; severe natural conditions, especially for agricultural development cannot be ignorable to explore the way to enhance production capacity; finally the three dimensions are interconnected in determining economic underdevelopment of African economies. Given these difficult factors, especially the rootlessness of the state, exploration of how to apply meaningfully Japan's said characteristics is now a challenge to those who aspire to take over Ishikawa's lofty aim.
2006 was epoch mating year in the history of development studies, because the basic framework for understanding “international development policies”, which was constructed and introduced by Shigeru Ishikawa in the book titled as International Development Policies Research, was brought into existence.
This framework has the potential to helps the researchers and practitioners to see the big picture of the international development policies since it provides us with the clear cutting methodological tools for analyzing the mechanisms of success and failure in conducting aid policies by using the key concepts: an objective development model for an aid recipient country constructed by neutral researchers; a subjective development model for an aid recipient country conceived by the donor county to her; a subjective development model for an aid recipient country conceived by the recipient county herself; an external aid system of a particular donor for recipient countries.
Despite the usefulness of the framework, there are few researches in which this framework was applied to the specific case as an analytical framework. This paper aims at examining the possibility for using the framework as analytical tool for research and practice. To do so, the framework was applied to the aid competition case in Cambodia between a DAC donor country and an emerging donor country.
The findings of the application were as follows; First, when we see the differences of the behaviors among donors, they are reflection of the differences in the aid systems and also the subjective development models among donors. Second, convergence of the subjective development models between the donor country and recipient country is indispensable when a donor would succeed in their aid provision toward a recipient country.
This paper highlights a new perspective of the ‘Ishikawa Project’, a monumental achievement of Japan's intellectual cooperation. The ‘Ishikawa Project’ in the late 1990s is the Vietnam-Japan joint study on the economic development policy, in which Shigeru Ishikawa headed the Japanese research team. The existing literatures explain the success, stressing an innovative ‘joint study’ approach, which was a process of knowledge creation through two-way interactions between the donor and recipient, in contrast to the traditional one-way transfer of knowledge.
While highly evaluating the achievements of the Ishikawa Project, this article raises a question: why was the approach not successful in other attempts and why is it not recognized by current Vietnamese technocrats？ To answer the question, the paper suggests and verifies a hypothesis that the ‘Ishikawa Project’ played a crucial role in the specific context of Vietnam in the middle of 1990s. In other words, the success was highly context specific.
In 1993, the IMF and the World Bank jointly recommended the Vietnamese leaders to tackle privatization of state enterprises as the ‘priority to the year 2000’. However, privatization was a politically sensitive issue in Vietnam particularly in those days. Although the Vietnamese leaders well recognized the importance of state enterprise reform, they chose to ‘listen to another voice’, presumably to show the World Bank and IMF “there is an alternative view”. They asked Ishikawa's opinion on the draft Five-Year Plan, and later invited him to the party politbureau. As Ishikawa did not put priority to privatization, the Vietnamese leaders found the ‘Ishikawa Project’ effective as a counterbalance acting against the powerful influence of the Washington-based institutions. To put it differently, the Project created checks and balances, being quite valuable in the international development arena, which is dominated by a single mainstream view.
The case of the ‘Ishikawa Project’ implies the chance of Japan's contribution to aid recipients acting as a counterbalance to preserve checks and balances.
This paper provides a practitioner's perspective of the significance and challenges of “The Ishikawa Project”（formally, “The Joint Vietnamese-Japanese Research Project: Study on the Economic Development Policy in the Transition toward a Market-Oriented Economy in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam”）, based on the author's experience with the ongoing Japan-Ethiopia industrial policy dialogue （formally, “Policy Dialogue on Industrial Development in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia”）. It also draws implications for Japanese intellectual cooperation from a comparative analysis of South Korea's Knowledge Sharing Program（KSP）.
Shigeru Ishikawa made valuable academic contributions to enhancing the theory of development economics and establishing a policy system for international development cooperation from a Japanese perspective. But, these are only part of his achievements. He should be also remembered as leader of “The Ishikawa Project” supported by the Japan International Cooperation Agency（JICA）during 1995-2001, especially for his effort to demonstrate a Japanese model of intellectual cooperation to developing countries.
Inspired by “The Ishikawa Project,” JICA has become more engaged in development policy support to Asian countries. In Africa, bilateral industrial policy dialogue with Ethiopia has been conducted by JICA and the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies（GRIPS）since 2009. It aims at sharing the East Asian development experiences with Ethiopian leaders and policymakers and providing intellectual inputs to their industrial policy formulation and implementation.
In embarking the Japan-Ethiopia industrial policy dialogue, the GRIPS team consciously examined the significance and challenges of “The Ishikawa Project,” including the basic stance to be succeeded and the issues for further refinement. This paper clarifies these points and suggests the direction for enhancing Japanese intellectual cooperation. It is essential to maintain the basic stance of “The Ishikawa Project,” such as a perspective of long-term development, real-sector concern, and joint work. At the same time, it is important to give attention to a pioneering effort by the Japan-Ethiopia industrial policy dialogue to address the challenges of a patrimonial state in Africa and build the government's policy capability. The strengths and weaknesses of Japanese intellectual cooperation should be also studied to enhance its effectiveness.
This study clarifies the roles of Syrian refugee-run schools in non-camp settings, based on the fieldwork in southeastern Turkey during 2013-2015. Turkey, which hosts the majority of Syrian refugees, attempts to absorb non-camp Syrian refugee children to its public schools. Many Syrian refugees, however, send their children to Syrian refugee-run schools. In Syria before the crisis, the vast majority of the school-aged Syrian citizens had access to school, while the educational policy was strongly controlled by the regime. Based on this quantitatively favorable but qualitatively challenging educational situation in Syria, most of Syrian refugees do not question themselves whether to send their children to school, but further they consider how and what kind of school they should choose.
The autonomy of Syrian refugees has been one of the principal features which constitutes the distinctive roles of Syrian refugee-run schools, which is:(1) The evidence of Syrian refugees' capability: the expansion and development of Syrian refugee-run schools exteriorize Syrian people's capable resilience to be productive and to be the agent of change even in the refugee situation. (2) The creation of solidarity: the Syrian refugee-run schools unite the whole school members as a group of people who share the same pain as refugees, which helps Syrian refugees to overcome the social fragmentation due to the crisis. These cognitive roles make a peculiar value of Syrian refugee-run schools, which is the main reason why some Syrian refugee families send their children to refugee-run schools rather than Turkish public schools. These roles, however, are starting to decrease as the autonomy of Syrian refugees is weakened due to the Turkish government's strengthened intervention and surveillance on the refugee-run schools since 2014. Indeed, it will be more convenient to acquire practical benefits for refugee children if they get integrated to the Turkish public education system. However, it is significant to put more focus on the cognitive roles of refugee-run schools because it is the very thing which meet the needs arising from the refugee community.
This paper aims to reveal how studying abroad in Malaysia acts as a catalyst for transnational migration and forms cross-border epistemic networks that may extend into the countries of origin.
This study focuses on Malaysia, an emerging country that accepted more than 130,000 international students in 2017. The author of this study spent three weeks in Malaysia and Australia interviewing twenty-one former international students and two Malaysia-based professors responsible for international student admissions.
Interview results provide evidence of transnational relationships beyond home and host countries, including mutual benefits between developing countries including region of origin, as well as relationships with Western countries chosen as destination for remigration. The transnational activities of former international students include business matching between African countries, Malaysia, and even Japan; involvement in technological development of Malaysia; and assistance for university marketing campaigns in the countries and regions of origin.
Most of the former students plan to move again in the future owing to the difficulty in obtaining permanent residency in Malaysia. Those who will go home may bring the outcomes of studying and working in Malaysia. Although some of them expect to move to Western countries, owing to the promise of employment stability and higher salaries, many intend to remain in Malaysia provided that they can pursue a satisfying career and maintain the current favorable environment for families.
According to previous research, transnational education had the effect of transforming Malaysia into a “transit point” to Western countries. This study finds that conventional education by public research universities also plays a role in this transformation, owing to improved facilities and overall quality of education.
Also, the fact that some students intend to return home after getting a master's degree in Malaysia and PhD in Australia shows that Malaysia as a transit point may indirectly contribute to human resource development in the student's home country. The intention of a former student to engage in future research collaboration between Malaysia and Australia shows the possibility of reimporting advanced research outcomes from developed countries to Malaysia through transnational former students, showing the new perspective of the transit point.