The aim of this article is to reveal the function of the Japanese copula ja, used widely in the modern Kansai area. In previous studies, ja tends to have been considered from a historical point of view because it is known to be a traditional copula in the Kansai dialect, now changed to ya. Although ja is still used in the modern Kansai area, there are few studies which treat it in a synchronic way. This paper is a description of the modern ja based on our introspection and basic research, which concentrates on the morphological, syntactic and functional features, as well as actual situations of using ja.

We conclude that it appears ja has a function which expresses the speaker's minus emotion and evaluation against elements related to the speech situation, such as utterances or attitude of the listener. Also, it appears that the speaker is more prone to use ja under the following two conditions: first, when the speaker feels a gap between his “desires”, referring to one's expectations, wishes, assumptions and common sense towards the situation, and the situation which actually occurred; second, when the speaker is at that moment encountering the source of their minus emotion.

This article argues the possibility that, in the process of changing into the modern standard copula ya in the Kansai dialect, ja is provably left with a modal tendency, which expresses the speaker's minus emotion and evaluation.

This paper investigates the transition of the adjectival suffix -hashi that took place after the Japanese Middle Ages. The suffix was used in the Heian period to derive an adjective from a verb as in ‘nitsuku < nitsuka-hashi’. From the Middle Ages, -hashi shifted to derive new adjectives based on existing adjectives, for example, ‘imaimashii > imaima-washii’.

However, from the early modern period, -hashi gradually lost its productivity. This can be understood from the fact that there was no significant difference in meaning between similar forms, and that limitations were placed on the preceding part of the suffix. The development of -hashi overlaps with the tendency to derive secondary adjectives from existing adjectives of the same period. In addition, the decline of -hashi can be interpreted as the flow of various derivative forms merging along a more general direction. This study concludes that the transition of the suffix -hashi followed the same change in tendencies of the entire adjectival suffix.

It is well known that the dialects with two-pattern prosodic systems in Kyusyu generally follow the so-called “Shiki-hozon” rule, which is as follows: the prosodic pattern of a compound word coincides with that of the first element of the compound word.

On the other hand, in the Kitagata dialect with a three-pattern prosodic system, the Shiki-hozon rule does not apply to all the compound words, resulting in quite a few exceptions to the rule, although it is admitted that there is an overall tendency for the prosodic patterns of compound words to be determined by their first element.

This paper analyzes the data of 1-mora+3-mora compound nouns and 2-mora+3-mora ones and attempts to give a synchronic and diachronic account of why such exceptions occur in the Kitagata dialect. As for the diachronic aspects, the paper points to the fact that compound nouns starting with a C-type-toned element tend to have a B-type tone contrary to the Shiki-hozon rule, and goes on to propose a hypothesis that this synchronically irregular tendency resulted from a tonal change similar to the one called “Taikeihenka” which had occurred in Kyoto during the Muromachi era.

This paper examines discourse and syntactic features of repetition sentences with adjective root form such as “Roku-jo no heya tte kekko hiroi yona (A sixmat room is pretty big)——iya iya semai semai (No, it's too small).”

In regards to discourse features, this paper presents the observation that repetition sentences with adjective root form are more natural in monologues during situations of high stimulation (taikan-do) or introspection (tansaku-ishiki), and more natural in dialogues when the rapidity and activity of an utterance is high. From these observations, it is inferred that repetition sentences with adjective root form are naturally formed in a discourse environment where the relation between cognition and the environment and interaction between the speaker and the hearer are prominently recognized.

Regarding syntactic features, it is observed that there are some constraints not found in non-repetition sentences regarding co-occurrence with degree adverbs and final particles and verbalization of subjects of attributes or states. These observations imply that repetition sentences with adjective root form invoke weak sentence characteristics in describing attributes or states.

In this paper regional variations in the usage of imperative expressions and honorifics in four cities ― Kyō (Kyōto), Ōsaka, Owari (Nagoya), and Edo (Tōkyō) —— during the late Edo period (1750-1868) are investigated. Sharebon texts, which draw from fictional conversations in licensed red-light districts in these cities, were cited for usage of imperative expressions by prostitutes and visitors.

Imperative expressions were classified into three groups: 1) expressions with honorifics, 2) expressions with the o-honorific prefix exclusively, and 3) expressions with non-honorifics.

In Kyō and Ōsaka, prostitutes used imperative expressions from all three groups to some degree, while in Edo expressions with honorifics were used almost exclusively with rare use of o-honorific and with non-honorifics. In Owari, many honorific forms were imported mainly from Kyō and Ōsaka, and prostitutes mostly used expressions with honorifics, including a few o-honorific types. The use of imperative expressions in Owari was similar to that in Edo.

When using a plural imperative expression towards listeners, many of the prostitutes in Kyō and Ōsaka used expressions with honorifics in some occasions and o-honorifics and non-honorifics in others to express social distance or the speaker's feelings. In contrast, those in Edo almost always used honorific types without regard for distance or feelings. Usage in Owari combined honorifics along with expressions of social distance and feelings, however non-honorific and o-honorific forms appeared only occasionally.

The aim of this article is to clarify when and why Japanese people wrote in sentences mixing regular-script kanji (楷書, kaisho) and hiragana during the Edo period. In previous research, it has been pointed out that the Japanese started to write in this style in the Meiji period due to the development of the printing press. Japanese sentences were typically written using a mix of kanji and kana, comprising of semi-cursive-script kanji (行書, gyōsho) and hiragana, and regular- script kanji and katakana. However, this article reports that books written in sentences mixing regular-script kanji and hiragana were published primarily in the 18th century in the medical field, in addition to Buddhism in the middle of the century, and a number of books in the latter part of the century.

In the medical field, books were written in either a classical Chinese style (漢文, kanbun) or with the style of Chinese texts translated into Japanese (漢文訓読文, kanbun-kundoku-bun). Kanbun and kanbun-kundoku-bun were written in regular-script kanji. Hence, in the medical field, it was typical that medical books were written in regular-script kanji. Meanwhile, during the Edo period hiragana became more widely used after the development of commercial publishing. Many printed books were written in semi-cursive-script kanji and hiragana in which hiragana took on an important role in writing. This change caused medical books to be primarily written in sentences mixing regular-script kanji and hiragana in the 18th century.