This paper investigates interrogatives about the speaker's intention in Early Middle Japanese, focusing on the type of interrogative and the auxiliary verb at the end of the sentence. The results show that mashi is used in Yes/No questions, and both mashi and mu are used in WH questions.

This paper also organizes each sentence pattern according to what is at issue and whether or not performing the action has been decided . Yes/No questions with mashi represent hesitation about whether or not to perform the action. On the other hand, WH questions with either mashi or mu represent hesitation about how to perform the action. “Ikani semashi” represents hesitation about whether or not to perform an action. And “Ikani semu” represents hesitation about what kind of action to perform.

The characteristic of interrogatives with mashi is that it is not decided that the action will be performed. The characteristic of interrogatives with mu is that it is decided that action will be performed.

The following conclusions about type I notation in Kada no Azumamaro's accent materials were drawn from reconsidering previous research (Kawakami 2009) and analyzing the materials: (1) jōshō denotes high-beginning without a kernel, hyōshō denotes high-beginning with a kernel, and kyoshō denotes low-beginning (Kawakami 2009); however, that should be revised as follows, after comparing with the accent materials written in the type II notation: jōshō denotes high-beginning except the H1 pattern, hyōshō denotes the H1 pattern, and kyoshō denotes low-beginning. (2) Kada no Azumamaro's accent materials written in the type I notation correspond considerably to ruibetsu-goi (accentually classified words). These are reliable sources that reflect the accent of the Kyoto dialect in the early modern period.

Several studies have discussed the “double accusative constraint,” which is the constraint that Standard Japanese does not permit more than one accusative noun phrase formed by the particle =o in a clause. However, few studies have discussed the other variant of the accusative, =Ø (the zero particle), in the dialect of the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, which is the geographical base for Standard Japanese. This study empirically clarifies how the accusative =Ø affects the well-formedness of the double accusative constructions. Fifteen double accusative sentences were prepared, and six native speakers were asked to judge the acceptability of four case patterns: [o-o], [o-Ø], [Ø-o], and [Ø-Ø] in the couplet [N1-N2] for each sentence. The results indicated that the constructions are categorized as follows (ACC can be replaced with =o or =Ø):

(a) Types with high acceptability in any of the four patterns, where N1 or N2 is an object of a verb and the other is an adverbial phrase (e.g., Takashi=ga ooame=no naka=ACC inu=ACC sagasu [“Takashi looks for the dog in the heavy rain.”]).

(b) Types with higher acceptability of [o-Ø], [Ø-o], and [Ø-Ø] than [o-o].

(b1) Both N1 and N2 are objects (e.g., Hanako=ga Takashi=ACC atama=ACC tataku [“Hanako hits Takashi's head.”]).

(b2) N1 is an object and N2 is a location (e.g., Hanako=ga Takashi=ACC mon=ACC toosu [“Hanako gets Takashi through a gate.”]).

(b3) Light verb suru construction (e.g., Hanako=ga eego=ACC benkyoo=ACC go-jikan suru [“Hanako studies English for five hours.”]).

(c) Types with low acceptability in any of the four patterns, where N1 and N2 are objects.

In conclusion, (c) indicates the double accusative constraint as a syntactic level, and (b) indicates the double =o constraint as a surface level.