In Asia, many governments have clearly denied the existence of indigenous peoples for the past few decades. This is because the concept of indigenous peoples has been an unfortunate offspring and they have been real victims of European imperialism and colonialism. In particular, according to some Asian governments’ views including China, India, and Bangladesh, in Asia, all the peoples would have been the indigenous peoples like all the original peoples of American countries and Oceanian ones. In other words, it means that there are no indigenous peoples in Asia.

Regardless of the governmentsʼ views, in Asia, many ethnic groups have declared themselves to be “indigenous peoples”, and have actively campaigned for enjoying their indigenous peoplesʼ rights in every country and in international society. The indigenous peoples of Asia have successfully built their national organizations in Taiwan, the Philippines, Nepal, Thailand and Indonesia since the 1980s. Since the 1990s, some regional organizations of Asia have been established in order to struggle for protecting indigenous knowledge and their rain-forests, and utilizing the UN human rights bodies and mechanism. As a result, some indigenous experts of Asia have played an active role as members of the UN bodies such as the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PFII) and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP) established in 2002 and 2008 respectively.

The concept building of indigenous peoples of Asia must include reviewing the national history and the “geo-body (space recognition)” of the modern nation-state from the perspective of two terms, “effective rule” and “tribute system”. In pre-modern Asia, a country had a sense of boundary of its “effective rule” area, but on the outside of the area there was a vast world of smaller countries and peoples which had a relationship with it in a “tribute system”, a unique diplomatic system of Asia. That is to say, the pre-modern Asian countries had no sense of a “border line” that was clearly invented by European countries. In the border-line negotiations among modern nation-states in Asia, many of them suddenly started to insist on their right to territory of the outside countries and peoples. For example, the Ainu people and the Ryukyuan/Okinawan people had traditionally lived on the outside of Japanese “effective rule” area until 1869 and 1879 respectively. Besides the Thai border police first contacted the indigenous mountain peoples in Northern Thailand in order to rule them effectively in 1953. The indigenous peoples of Asia had originally lived in “horizontally remote areas” or “vertically remote areas (mountain or high land areas)” on the outside of the “effective rule” area of the modern nation-state for a long time. And since “effective rule” reached their own territories, they have been forced to be under colonialism and a forced assimilation policy, deprived of their land and resources, and denied their own culture, social system and their existence itself under discrimination. This is the proper reason why they declare themselves to be indigenous peoples in the international context.

This paper has the following three purposes: One is to examine the formation process of international norm to protect children. Second is to investigate how the Thai government has changed the policy on children after the ratification of the Convention of the Rights on the Child in 1992. Third is to evaluate the counter-measures of the Thai government on refugee children, immigrant children and ethnic minority children after the revealing their actual condition of them.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention of the Rights of the Child in 1989. The Thai government ratified the Convention in 1992. Then, it established the Child Protection Act (B.E.2546) in 2003. Moreover, the Cabinetʼs resolution of 5 July 2005 provides any non-registered children, including children of non-registered migrants as well as stateless children with access to the regular education system. Improved legislation and better provision of services have led to a more protective environment for the majority of children in Thailand. However, many still have been excluded from social and economic improvements, particularly the children of refugees and asylum-seekers, of migrant families and of the ethnic minorities.

Especially in northern Thailand, there are many unregistered children from minority groups. They have very limited access to social services such as health care, education and legal protections from abuse and child labor. Their families are poor and discriminated against in Thai society. So, some children are forced to work as street children, factory workers and sex workers.

The United Nation Committee on the Rights of the Child urges policy changes of the Thai government on children, although it welcomes the adoption of the Child Protection Act in 2003 as positive steps. The areabased NGOs also support these vulnerable children. Hence, the world standard of childʼs rights penetrates into Thai government policies and society through the urging by the United Nations and the grass-roots approach by NGOs.

UNTAC was, as a 2^nd generation of UNPKO, successful in organizing a free and fair election for legitimizing the Cambodian government. As a result, the government of Cambodia has been receiving international assistance for peace-building since then. The UN human rights operation, assisted by NGOs, promoted peace by means of law and judicial reform as well as human resource development for the authorities. Democracy was, however, fragile. Through the armed conflict in 1997 and termination of the Khmer Rouge’s resistance, the Cambodian Peoples’ Party (CPP), led by Prime Minister Hun Sen, has gained power and become a de facto dictatorship. The rapid economic growth of the market economy has created social problems resulting from gap between rich and poor. The land law and the judiciary, which was reformed for peace and human rights with international assistance, are even manipulated for justifying human rights violations caused by land grabbing and corruption. Judicial corruption is 220 difficult to address in terms of respect for the independence of the judiciary. Thus, structural violence can be seen paradoxically as a result of massive international assistance for peace-building. The ECCC was finally created to address the demand of the Cambodian people to punish those who were responsible for the mass killings by Khmer Rouge. However it also faces another dilemma between peace and justice. How to deal with international standard in the local context and reality? How to define corruption and control it to assist local governance? How to realize human rights? From the viewpoint of human security, cross-border networks of civil society and the private sector might be a key for resolving this challenge.

Since several bombings such as the Bali bombings or Marriott Bombing, Indonesia has increasingly seen the war on terror being waged against perceived threats of terrorism in the context of growing “militant Islamism”. On the other hand, concerns have been raised against extensive human rights abuses being involved with the war on terror.

This article is intended to disclose the real situation of the war on terror and terrorism by examining a series of the violence in Poso, Central Sulawesi, where the so-called religious conflict between Christian and Muslim broke out in the end of 1998. As the conflict became the most furious around the year of 2000 and 2001, with the initiative of the Indonesian government, both sides released the Malino Declaration in December 2001 for reconciliation. Conflicts between the two religious groups have indeed dramatically decreased since the declaration, but Islamic terrorism started to emerge thereafter.

Many cases show us the indications that the violence in Poso was connected to local political elites’ interests that sought to mobilize crowds to obtain political posts, or to divert people’s attention from the corruption cases. It is also pointed out that the security forces were deeply involved in the violence to enlarge their power and to acquire budgets for the military operation.

The structure that the certain individuals or groups try to obtain an interest from the conflict, in other words “conflict building theory” should be clarified for the conflict resolution and sustainable peace.

Armed conflicts today affect civilians’ life enormously at community level. Therefore it is essential to reflect views of community inhabitants on post-conflict peace building and to link communities’ initiative to national-wide or regional-wide reconstruction process by activating community-based organizations (CBOs). In order to consider effective international aid for achieving peaceful community reconstruction, this essay discusses, firstly, how community inhabitants recognize peace building at community level, and secondly, how post-conflict aid influences the reconstruction process of communities in terms of realizing long-term peace and development.

The first part analyses through field survey how community people perceive important elements of community reconstruction. The results can be summarized into 6 points: 1) Achieving peace and reconciliation, 2) Securing enough income to live, 3) Helping each other, 4) Making the government functioned, 5) Making well-functioning village leadership, 6) Activating CBOs. The second part examines, based on the results of the field survey and social capital theory which relates to 3)-6), recognition of community people towards the influence of international aid on each important factor above. It also discusses the influence of one of the national-wide community development schemes, Community Empowerment and Governance Project (CEP), on community reconstruction.

The analysis shows that the tendencies of aid responses are to be project-based with limited impact, donor-driven (lacking local involvement), confusing of local governance, and often not linked to central policy, short-term with unstable funding systems, all of which do not meet development goals of the recipients. Therefore, post-conflict aid at community level did not fully utilize potentials of CBOs nor develop social capital, which are essential elements to scale up its impact beyond project level.

For future community-based responses to achieve maximum impact and sustainability, this essay suggests that aid to communities consider social capital at local context carefully, enforcing community cohesion and bridging its impact from project-based initiatives to community-wide, regional-wide and national-wide initiatives; link to other projects, strategies and networks, and involve all levels of governments.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the foreigner policy and the multiculturalism that the Korean government is advancing today.

The Korean government has introduced cheap manpower to supplement the labor shortage in the manufacturing field since the end of the 1980s. However, their very bad working environments and the question of human rights have been coming to light gradually as a social problem. On the other hand, to improve the global competitiveness of the IT industry etc. in the advanced science and technology field, the Korean government is offering various incentives as they settle down easily. Thus, the government applies rotation policy to 3D foreign worker, and is advancing the policy of pressing settling down to the foreigner who has a high academic background.

In addition, the Korean society has experienced an unprecedented diversity of the population now under a new situation like the ethnic Korean’s inflow and an increase in international marriage, etc. The foreigners in Korea are 1.15 million people, and it accounts for about 2.20 percent of the population at large now. Such a situation breaks an existing, old sense of values over the people and the race from the basis. And, the Korean government maintains the system because of symbiosis with the foreigner, and is advancing the integrated multicultural policy in the education and the human rights field. First, the Korean government improves the working environment and the human rights situation to 3D foreign worker, and supports it so that the marriage migrant may adjust easily to the Korean society. Second, political participation as the local populace is requested by giving the foreigner who has resided for a certain period the referendum right and voting rights in local elections. Third, the government supports the education to foreigner children who have various cultural contexts on the school, and promote the understanding of multiculturalism.

The integrated multicultural policy of Korea just started now. These policies have progressed while repeating the trial and error. There are development of democracy in the Korean society and the local populace’s autonomy consideration in the background. To develop it more, the national consensus on a multicultural policy is necessary. And, the foreigners themselves should have consciousness as the member in the Korean society, and they participate in the movement for the right improvement positively.

It is planned to resume the discussion on the Security Council reform at the General Assembly this year. However, an important issue that has remained from the creation of the United Nations is not going to be among its agenda: the all-powerful authority of the Security Council under Chapter VII and the total absence of checking measure on its practice. This article focuses on the contradiction between the “rule of law” in the United Nations legal order and the “rule by law” based on the accumulated practices by the Security Council in the Post-Cold War era.

One of the serious problems is the violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter the practices of the authorization on the use of force under Chapter VII poses. Chapter VII is the institution in which the Security Council makes authoritative decision on both legality and legitimacy of the use of force. However, through the accumulation of the practices, certain states have come to consider Chapter VII as mere formal requisite. Such fact can be regarded as the “rule by law”, in which only a limited group of states can justify the armed intervention with the authorization from the Security Council.

The other problem is the discrepancy between the enforcement measures and the development within the United Nations legal order. In recent years, the United Nations developed deeper concerns with international human rights law and humanitarian law. Under such circumstances, the comprehensive embargo on Iraq or the measures for anti-terrorism are criticized as the violation of fundamental human rights of the innocent civilians. This means the practices of such enforcement measures are regarded as the “rule by law”, in which the Security Council executes enforcement of law for the security at the cost of the fundamental human rights.

The shared issue in these “rule by law” is the lack of the review system on the authority of the Security Council under the Chapter VII. Therefore, it is to construct an alternative system to the centralized system, to balance the authority of the Security Council.

This paper focuses on the International World Peace Day Movement (IWPDM) in order to clarify how people and social circumstances outside Japan influenced the discourses about Hiroshima bombing in the Japanese society during the early postwar years.

IWPDM was a peace movement based in the U.S., brought about by the interaction of two individuals in Oakland, California, and Hiroshima. The origin of this movement can be traced back to the “Symbol of Peace” discourse. During the period of the U.S. occupation, when the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) strictly prohibited the criticism about the use of atomic bombs, Hiroshima city authorities claimed that Hiroshima was the “Symbol of Peace” because Hiroshima bombing had put an end to the war and brought the world peace.

Among the participants of IWPDM were Christian organizations in the U.S. and peace groups in the Western countries. There were almost no participants from the Communist countries. These characteristics helped making IWPDM acceptable to SCAP, and enabled Hiroshima city authorities to express their interest in it.

The main idea of IWPDM was similar to that of Hiroshima city authorities in that Hiroshima was a transnational symbol of peace. However, in the case of IWPDM, Hiroshima symbolized peace because for them it was the symbol of the grave threat to the world. The participants were less interested in the actual state of casualties and loss that took place there. Behind this was the perception widely shared in the U.S. and other countries that the presence of the atomic weapons was an imminent danger to their own lives when the Cold War was heightening. At the same time, this absence of the perspective to the human destruction in Hiroshima was another aspect of IWPDM that made it tolerable to SCAP.

Although the academic concern about peace research is high, it cannot be said that the academic concern about peace education is high. The peace education that passes on the war experience and is opposed to any wars has been practiced at school in Japan. However, there is a few writings which tried to systematically analyze peace education from an academic point.

This paper aims to clarify the approach to develop the peace education study in Japan by analyzing the development of peace education research in the world. It defines, “Peace education study is systematization of academic findings concerning various conditions for the development of peace education.”

Four influences of the following factors are acting on the process in which peace education research develops. They are: Intellectual influence from the related studies: Social influence in the study: Intellectual influence from outside the study: Social influence of social circumstances and international relations.

Comparative studies of peace education advanced in the first half of the 1990s. The number of peace education researchers increased using the concept of “comprehensive peace education” in the 1990s. The network of peace education researchers expanded in Europe and the United States, and the study results were achieved. Such development became a driving force for launching the Journal of Peace Education in 2004. This new journal can be regarded as the indicator for the institutionalization of peace education study in the world.

This paper suggests that the increase of peace education researchers can aim at the formation of peace education study. While extending the subject of peace education research and systematizing its results, peace education about war is anticipated to develop.

In Asia, many governments have clearly denied the existence of indigenous peoples for the past few decades. This is because the concept of indigenous peoples has been an unfortunate offspring and they have been real victims of European imperialism and colonialism. In particular, according to some Asian governments’ views including China, India, and Bangladesh, in Asia, all the peoples would have been the indigenous peoples like all the original peoples of American countries and Oceanian ones. In other words, it means that there are no indigenous peoples in Asia.

Regardless of the governmentsʼ views, in Asia, many ethnic groups have declared themselves to be “indigenous peoples”, and have actively campaigned for enjoying their indigenous peoplesʼ rights in every country and in international society. The indigenous peoples of Asia have successfully built their national organizations in Taiwan, the Philippines, Nepal, Thailand and Indonesia since the 1980s. Since the 1990s, some regional organizations of Asia have been established in order to struggle for protecting indigenous knowledge and their rain-forests, and utilizing the UN human rights bodies and mechanism. As a result, some indigenous experts of Asia have played an active role as members of the UN bodies such as the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PFII) and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP) established in 2002 and 2008 respectively.

The concept building of indigenous peoples of Asia must include reviewing the national history and the “geo-body (space recognition)” of the modern nation-state from the perspective of two terms, “effective rule” and “tribute system”. In pre-modern Asia, a country had a sense of boundary of its “effective rule” area, but on the outside of the area there was a vast world of smaller countries and peoples which had a relationship with it in a “tribute system”, a unique diplomatic system of Asia. That is to say, the pre-modern Asian countries had no sense of a “border line” that was clearly invented by European countries. In the border-line negotiations among modern nation-states in Asia, many of them suddenly started to insist on their right to territory of the outside countries and peoples. For example, the Ainu people and the Ryukyuan/Okinawan people had traditionally lived on the outside of Japanese “effective rule” area until 1869 and 1879 respectively. Besides the Thai border police first contacted the indigenous mountain peoples in Northern Thailand in order to rule them effectively in 1953. The indigenous peoples of Asia had originally lived in “horizontally remote areas” or “vertically remote areas (mountain or high land areas)” on the outside of the “effective rule” area of the modern nation-state for a long time. And since “effective rule” reached their own territories, they have been forced to be under colonialism and a forced assimilation policy, deprived of their land and resources, and denied their own culture, social system and their existence itself under discrimination. This is the proper reason why they declare themselves to be indigenous peoples in the international context.

This paper has the following three purposes: One is to examine the formation process of international norm to protect children. Second is to investigate how the Thai government has changed the policy on children after the ratification of the Convention of the Rights on the Child in 1992. Third is to evaluate the counter-measures of the Thai government on refugee children, immigrant children and ethnic minority children after the revealing their actual condition of them.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention of the Rights of the Child in 1989. The Thai government ratified the Convention in 1992. Then, it established the Child Protection Act (B.E.2546) in 2003. Moreover, the Cabinetʼs resolution of 5 July 2005 provides any non-registered children, including children of non-registered migrants as well as stateless children with access to the regular education system. Improved legislation and better provision of services have led to a more protective environment for the majority of children in Thailand. However, many still have been excluded from social and economic improvements, particularly the children of refugees and asylum-seekers, of migrant families and of the ethnic minorities.

Especially in northern Thailand, there are many unregistered children from minority groups. They have very limited access to social services such as health care, education and legal protections from abuse and child labor. Their families are poor and discriminated against in Thai society. So, some children are forced to work as street children, factory workers and sex workers.

The United Nation Committee on the Rights of the Child urges policy changes of the Thai government on children, although it welcomes the adoption of the Child Protection Act in 2003 as positive steps. The areabased NGOs also support these vulnerable children. Hence, the world standard of childʼs rights penetrates into Thai government policies and society through the urging by the United Nations and the grass-roots approach by NGOs.

UNTAC was, as a 2^nd generation of UNPKO, successful in organizing a free and fair election for legitimizing the Cambodian government. As a result, the government of Cambodia has been receiving international assistance for peace-building since then. The UN human rights operation, assisted by NGOs, promoted peace by means of law and judicial reform as well as human resource development for the authorities. Democracy was, however, fragile. Through the armed conflict in 1997 and termination of the Khmer Rouge’s resistance, the Cambodian Peoples’ Party (CPP), led by Prime Minister Hun Sen, has gained power and become a de facto dictatorship. The rapid economic growth of the market economy has created social problems resulting from gap between rich and poor. The land law and the judiciary, which was reformed for peace and human rights with international assistance, are even manipulated for justifying human rights violations caused by land grabbing and corruption. Judicial corruption is 220 difficult to address in terms of respect for the independence of the judiciary. Thus, structural violence can be seen paradoxically as a result of massive international assistance for peace-building. The ECCC was finally created to address the demand of the Cambodian people to punish those who were responsible for the mass killings by Khmer Rouge. However it also faces another dilemma between peace and justice. How to deal with international standard in the local context and reality? How to define corruption and control it to assist local governance? How to realize human rights? From the viewpoint of human security, cross-border networks of civil society and the private sector might be a key for resolving this challenge.

Since several bombings such as the Bali bombings or Marriott Bombing, Indonesia has increasingly seen the war on terror being waged against perceived threats of terrorism in the context of growing “militant Islamism”. On the other hand, concerns have been raised against extensive human rights abuses being involved with the war on terror.

This article is intended to disclose the real situation of the war on terror and terrorism by examining a series of the violence in Poso, Central Sulawesi, where the so-called religious conflict between Christian and Muslim broke out in the end of 1998. As the conflict became the most furious around the year of 2000 and 2001, with the initiative of the Indonesian government, both sides released the Malino Declaration in December 2001 for reconciliation. Conflicts between the two religious groups have indeed dramatically decreased since the declaration, but Islamic terrorism started to emerge thereafter.

Many cases show us the indications that the violence in Poso was connected to local political elites’ interests that sought to mobilize crowds to obtain political posts, or to divert people’s attention from the corruption cases. It is also pointed out that the security forces were deeply involved in the violence to enlarge their power and to acquire budgets for the military operation.

The structure that the certain individuals or groups try to obtain an interest from the conflict, in other words “conflict building theory” should be clarified for the conflict resolution and sustainable peace.

Armed conflicts today affect civilians’ life enormously at community level. Therefore it is essential to reflect views of community inhabitants on post-conflict peace building and to link communities’ initiative to national-wide or regional-wide reconstruction process by activating community-based organizations (CBOs). In order to consider effective international aid for achieving peaceful community reconstruction, this essay discusses, firstly, how community inhabitants recognize peace building at community level, and secondly, how post-conflict aid influences the reconstruction process of communities in terms of realizing long-term peace and development.

The first part analyses through field survey how community people perceive important elements of community reconstruction. The results can be summarized into 6 points: 1) Achieving peace and reconciliation, 2) Securing enough income to live, 3) Helping each other, 4) Making the government functioned, 5) Making well-functioning village leadership, 6) Activating CBOs. The second part examines, based on the results of the field survey and social capital theory which relates to 3)-6), recognition of community people towards the influence of international aid on each important factor above. It also discusses the influence of one of the national-wide community development schemes, Community Empowerment and Governance Project (CEP), on community reconstruction.

The analysis shows that the tendencies of aid responses are to be project-based with limited impact, donor-driven (lacking local involvement), confusing of local governance, and often not linked to central policy, short-term with unstable funding systems, all of which do not meet development goals of the recipients. Therefore, post-conflict aid at community level did not fully utilize potentials of CBOs nor develop social capital, which are essential elements to scale up its impact beyond project level.

For future community-based responses to achieve maximum impact and sustainability, this essay suggests that aid to communities consider social capital at local context carefully, enforcing community cohesion and bridging its impact from project-based initiatives to community-wide, regional-wide and national-wide initiatives; link to other projects, strategies and networks, and involve all levels of governments.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the foreigner policy and the multiculturalism that the Korean government is advancing today.

The Korean government has introduced cheap manpower to supplement the labor shortage in the manufacturing field since the end of the 1980s. However, their very bad working environments and the question of human rights have been coming to light gradually as a social problem. On the other hand, to improve the global competitiveness of the IT industry etc. in the advanced science and technology field, the Korean government is offering various incentives as they settle down easily. Thus, the government applies rotation policy to 3D foreign worker, and is advancing the policy of pressing settling down to the foreigner who has a high academic background.

In addition, the Korean society has experienced an unprecedented diversity of the population now under a new situation like the ethnic Korean’s inflow and an increase in international marriage, etc. The foreigners in Korea are 1.15 million people, and it accounts for about 2.20 percent of the population at large now. Such a situation breaks an existing, old sense of values over the people and the race from the basis. And, the Korean government maintains the system because of symbiosis with the foreigner, and is advancing the integrated multicultural policy in the education and the human rights field. First, the Korean government improves the working environment and the human rights situation to 3D foreign worker, and supports it so that the marriage migrant may adjust easily to the Korean society. Second, political participation as the local populace is requested by giving the foreigner who has resided for a certain period the referendum right and voting rights in local elections. Third, the government supports the education to foreigner children who have various cultural contexts on the school, and promote the understanding of multiculturalism.

The integrated multicultural policy of Korea just started now. These policies have progressed while repeating the trial and error. There are development of democracy in the Korean society and the local populace’s autonomy consideration in the background. To develop it more, the national consensus on a multicultural policy is necessary. And, the foreigners themselves should have consciousness as the member in the Korean society, and they participate in the movement for the right improvement positively.

It is planned to resume the discussion on the Security Council reform at the General Assembly this year. However, an important issue that has remained from the creation of the United Nations is not going to be among its agenda: the all-powerful authority of the Security Council under Chapter VII and the total absence of checking measure on its practice. This article focuses on the contradiction between the “rule of law” in the United Nations legal order and the “rule by law” based on the accumulated practices by the Security Council in the Post-Cold War era.

One of the serious problems is the violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter the practices of the authorization on the use of force under Chapter VII poses. Chapter VII is the institution in which the Security Council makes authoritative decision on both legality and legitimacy of the use of force. However, through the accumulation of the practices, certain states have come to consider Chapter VII as mere formal requisite. Such fact can be regarded as the “rule by law”, in which only a limited group of states can justify the armed intervention with the authorization from the Security Council.

The other problem is the discrepancy between the enforcement measures and the development within the United Nations legal order. In recent years, the United Nations developed deeper concerns with international human rights law and humanitarian law. Under such circumstances, the comprehensive embargo on Iraq or the measures for anti-terrorism are criticized as the violation of fundamental human rights of the innocent civilians. This means the practices of such enforcement measures are regarded as the “rule by law”, in which the Security Council executes enforcement of law for the security at the cost of the fundamental human rights.

The shared issue in these “rule by law” is the lack of the review system on the authority of the Security Council under the Chapter VII. Therefore, it is to construct an alternative system to the centralized system, to balance the authority of the Security Council.

This paper focuses on the International World Peace Day Movement (IWPDM) in order to clarify how people and social circumstances outside Japan influenced the discourses about Hiroshima bombing in the Japanese society during the early postwar years.

IWPDM was a peace movement based in the U.S., brought about by the interaction of two individuals in Oakland, California, and Hiroshima. The origin of this movement can be traced back to the “Symbol of Peace” discourse. During the period of the U.S. occupation, when the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) strictly prohibited the criticism about the use of atomic bombs, Hiroshima city authorities claimed that Hiroshima was the “Symbol of Peace” because Hiroshima bombing had put an end to the war and brought the world peace.

Among the participants of IWPDM were Christian organizations in the U.S. and peace groups in the Western countries. There were almost no participants from the Communist countries. These characteristics helped making IWPDM acceptable to SCAP, and enabled Hiroshima city authorities to express their interest in it.

The main idea of IWPDM was similar to that of Hiroshima city authorities in that Hiroshima was a transnational symbol of peace. However, in the case of IWPDM, Hiroshima symbolized peace because for them it was the symbol of the grave threat to the world. The participants were less interested in the actual state of casualties and loss that took place there. Behind this was the perception widely shared in the U.S. and other countries that the presence of the atomic weapons was an imminent danger to their own lives when the Cold War was heightening. At the same time, this absence of the perspective to the human destruction in Hiroshima was another aspect of IWPDM that made it tolerable to SCAP.

Although the academic concern about peace research is high, it cannot be said that the academic concern about peace education is high. The peace education that passes on the war experience and is opposed to any wars has been practiced at school in Japan. However, there is a few writings which tried to systematically analyze peace education from an academic point.

This paper aims to clarify the approach to develop the peace education study in Japan by analyzing the development of peace education research in the world. It defines, “Peace education study is systematization of academic findings concerning various conditions for the development of peace education.”

Four influences of the following factors are acting on the process in which peace education research develops. They are: Intellectual influence from the related studies: Social influence in the study: Intellectual influence from outside the study: Social influence of social circumstances and international relations.

Comparative studies of peace education advanced in the first half of the 1990s. The number of peace education researchers increased using the concept of “comprehensive peace education” in the 1990s. The network of peace education researchers expanded in Europe and the United States, and the study results were achieved. Such development became a driving force for launching the Journal of Peace Education in 2004. This new journal can be regarded as the indicator for the institutionalization of peace education study in the world.

This paper suggests that the increase of peace education researchers can aim at the formation of peace education study. While extending the subject of peace education research and systematizing its results, peace education about war is anticipated to develop.