本論文では、サイボーグの概念を分析することによって、中国文化人類学におけるネットワーク人類学のアプローチとは異なり、主に情報社会における人間の存在論的な再構成にかかわるパラダイムシフトに焦点を当てた人類学的研究を提起する。「サイボーグ(cyborg,cybernetic organism)」は「サイバネティックな有機体(オーガニズム)」と意訳され、当初は宇宙飛行士の宇宙生存問題に提起された生命工学的な概念だったが、その後に転用されて、一つの存在論的隠喩(メタファー)になった。原理上、サイボーグは人間と機械の二項対立の境界線を曖昧にし、人間の主体性の省察にみる根本的な論理を、サイバネティクスが人間を情報ネットワークのノードまたは情報の受信および処理端末として理解することにみる。表現上、サイボーグは、可視化された一般的な空間において、人と物を組み立て接合することによって形成される、オープンノードおよび相互接続的なネットワークを示している。サイボーグ的なメタファーの影響範囲は知識生産にも及ぶようになり、その領域の理論が劇的に変化している。本稿では現代中国の知識生産論的な文脈での世界視野的なサイボーグ人類学をテーマに取り上げ、現代のサイボーグ人類学のパラダイムシフトを象徴する、人間と（機械）の融合体の存在論を試論し、新たな知識論・方法論の探求を試みる。そして、高度情報化時代にて自覚的にパラダイムシフトを試みる民族誌的研究の展望を述べる。

　This paper discusses two issues in Japanese society in response to the new coronavirus infection. First Japan has a unique public health policy for dealing with infectious diseases compared to other countries. We managed to get through the second wave of the epidemic with this approach, but after the third wave, the limitations of the restrained use of PCR testing, cluster control, and self-restraint became apparent. As a result, Japan became the country in East Asia that failed the most in containment of infectious diseases. Second infection control measures have been considered only in the medical and economic spheres, neglecting the issues that arise in the social and cultural spheres. Despite the potential of ICT technology as a new channel of communication, due to economic disparity and generational division, the use of ICT technology has not yet become a tool that everyone can use.　These two problems did not arise suddenly as a result of the Corona disaster but have become apparent as Japanese society has shifted to a steady-state economy and is still seeking further economic growth. In the coming decades, Japan will have to deal with massive earthquakes, torrential rains, climate change, global economic fluctuations, and geopolitical tensions in East Asia. At that time, we must consider the sustainability of Japanese society by ensuring intergenerational justice by incorporating the perceptions of future generations.

　本文的研究目的为，通过对中国新冠肺炎隔离政策的分析，探索人际关系如何促进新冠肺炎的防疫工作。研究方法以作者自身的新冠肺炎的隔离体验，以及对周围的访谈为主。分析结果为，虽然新冠肺炎防疫工作通过运用AI 技术制定了严格的政策，但是在实际实施过程，因存在未贯彻执行以及未遵守政策的现象，而存在弊端。但通过与熟悉的人的“圈子”中存在的“相互监督”，以及对亲密的人的“圈子”中存在的“责任感”，人们会自己约束自身行为，自觉遵守新冠肺炎防疫政策。从而弥补防疫工作的行政政策上的弊端，最终完成防疫工作。

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought unprecedented changes to our society, economy, and lifestyle. The worldwide breakout of coronavirus is sometimes seen as a negative consequence of globalization. In this crisis, there is an increasing call from the protransnationalism camp for stronger cooperation and unity among countries. At the same time, we see rising nationalistic sentiments and movements in the form of tightening border restrictions and international competition over vaccine. As the new vocabulary “COVID nationalism”and“vaccine nationalism” suggest, there are heated discussions over the relationship between COVID-19 and nationalism. In this paper, I first provide an overview of the current debates based on textual materials gathered online. The second half furthers the discussion with a brief case study of Hong Kong.

在整个2020年2月和3月（及以后），新加坡是世界应对和应对 COVID-19冠状病毒的最佳实践模式。新加坡追踪感染者的能力被认为是世界一流的。它是手动和高科技数字方法的理想组合。鼓掌需要两只手（国家及其民众）。总的来说，新加坡人是遵纪守法、服从开明政府的公民。众所周知，新加坡人一直都非常遵守法治以及进步和有远见的政府的要求。在这个社会契约中，政府为新加坡人提供经济商品（所谓的“面包和黄油”问题），并为人民实行廉洁奉公的善治。新加坡总理(PM) Lee Hsien Loong (LHL) 决心阐明不让任何人掉队的想法。　笔者亲身体验了新加坡当局采取的世界级措施。他通过观察研究和立场观点，通过体验学习和个人推理来撰写本文。作者用二手文献补充了观察研究。鉴于COVID-19 是一种新的全球现象，而且关于新加坡案例研究的学术文献有限，本文还利用了最新的观点和新闻报道（包括全球和本地文章以及媒体材料）。根据全球基准，新加坡仍然是大流行期间对任何人来说最安全的地方之一。这篇文章并不假装很全面，但对新加坡在抗击COVID-19 大流行方面的成功提供了一些见解。

　新型コロナウィルス感染拡大により、中国は中央アジアでの影響力を強め、中国とカザフスタンの間の経済協力を拡大することができた。感染症拡大発生以降、世界貿易が減少した一方で、カザフスタンと中国の間の相互貿易、特に輸出は増加した。2020年上半期では、2019 年の同時期と比較して、20％増加し、48 億ドルに達した。感染防止対策および検疫措置中に最も需要の高い産業である食品産業の量も34.2％増加した。さらに、中国は、カザフスタンがコロナと直面したときに支援と援助を提供した最初の国だった。経済問題を解決し、感染症が引き起こした景気後退を解決するために、カザフスタンは、ロシア経済も石油価格の下落による景気後退を経験していたため、中国との経済協力を緊密化した。本論文は、シルクロード経済帯の設立以来、そして今日、カザフスタンと中国の間の経済関係に起こった変化を特定して分析すること、そしてカザフスタン政府と人々が新型コロナウィルス感染拡大にどのように対処しているかを示すことを目的としている。

In February 2020, Iran was one of the first countries in the Middle East to have experienced the rapid surge in infection and death cases of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19). A year later, at the time of writing, the surge continues to grow with a total death count of more than 60,000 and about 8,000 new infection cases per day. The present work overviews how, despite the government’s efforts to contain it, COVID-19 has spread throughout the country with such intensity. It sheds light on Iran’s plight, in particular, by attending to the broader international context in which the Americanled economic and financial sanctions have significantly restrained the country’s competence and capabilities to respond to COVID-19.
　　Meanwhile, many religious leaders have offered the faithful various types of guidance on how to cope with the widespread disease. Their efforts to provide religious meaning and significance to the pandemic are an emerging trend uniquely found in Iran, a home to Shiite Muslims. Viewing their activities as a spiritual struggle, the religious leaders have rigorously joined the frontline fight in a variety of ways during this difficult time. The present work also looks at the scope and rationales of such activities and highlights some religious dimensions of the COVID-19 surge that increasingly garner attention in Iran.

　According to the Basic law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (1990), the principle of "one country, two systems”, the socialist system and policies will not be practiced in Hong Kong. The basic policies of the People's Republic of China regarding Hong Kong have been elaborated by the Chinese Government in the Sino-British Joint Declaration (1984). However, Laws of People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (2020) issued by Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of PRC has been making Hong Kong society change.　This paper discusses about conflict and problems between Hong Kong Basic Law (1990) and Safeguarding National Security Law (2020) and also discusses about Chinese way of rule of law and its difference of what global society is aiming for.

　　本文以近代中国的慈善团体天津广仁堂（1878-1949）为例，通过分析其历史来描绘近代中国社会治理的可能性，探求社会治理中广仁堂的独立性从何而来。　　天津广仁堂是基于中国传统慈善组织“善堂”模式并引进了近代救济思想的综合性慈善团体。本文通过研究天津广仁堂的历史，阐述社会治理的产生、发展、消灭的过程，总结出广仁堂作为社会治理的参与主体如何维持了自身的独立性。本文分别分析了广仁堂的设立、1913年和1929年两次反对公权力的介入、以及1949年被纳入国家福利体系的史实，指出在不同的时代背景下广仁堂维持自身独立性的策略和社会治理的“消失”。本文的结论认为，广仁堂因4 大要素维持了自身的独立性，分别是①士绅阶层的权力扩张、②经济的独立自主、③来自民间的文化认同、④依法取得法人格。

　本稿中，法律文化定义为对于法律制度的内在心理趋势・价值体系，并探讨研究中国人对于中国追诉时效制度和日本人对于恶意违背双重转移人的反应。结果是显然中国人中，许多人认为“即使不遵守法律条文也应伸张正义”，而日本人则更多的认为“必须遵守法律条文”。　本稿的结论是：中国被指有时会做出无视法律的判决，但正是那样的判决得到了中国人的支持，这也才是中国人的“心理趋势・价值体系”，即“中国的法律文化”。

　　The purpose of this study is to understand the cultural impact of China's education policy by reflecting on historical changes and development of the nation’s education policy. In recent years, there have been many dissenting opinions about the policy of suzhi education reform in China. It can be said that the root cause of such controversy comes from the incompatibility between the implicit cultural meanings hidden behind China's educational policy and the explicit exam oriented culture of Chinese society. By understanding the characteristics of Chinese education policy in different times from a historical perspective, a functional analysis of Chinese exam oriented culture can be obtained through comparisons with people of differing education backgrounds.　　Based on the competitive nature of China's exam system, the functionality of education is brought into question. There is a social maxim where “everything is inferior, only study is high” and obtaining a high exam standing can bring social prestige as well as obtaining academic success. Meanwhile, individuals who do not perform as well will lose social standing and can even become socially ostracized as a result. On the other hand, this same examination culture motivates an individual’s pursuit of academics as it both increases their social standing and learning. From this form of motivation, there is a phenomenon called "exam fever" where there is a rapid expansion of more college entrance examinations and increase pressure to obtain greater academic achievements, such as diplomas, certifications and degrees. While certain groups may denounce these measures as excessive or even cruel, Chinese society has a way of adjusting to these changes to mitigate the negative results. Through the historical and cultural lens, this paper aims trace those societal trends as well as the development of how these adjustments help to reduce the common issues in China’s education system.

　東南アジア諸国連合（ASEAN10ヵ国）に日中韓を加えた13ヵ国（ASEAN Plus Three=APT）が、2001年に「東アジア共同体」を提起してから今年で20年になる。このAPTにオーストラリア（豪）とニュージーランド（NZ）を加えた15 ヵ国は2020年、地域包括的経済連携（RCEP）協定を締結するなど進展もあったが、南沙諸島・尖閣諸島など領土問題や、徴用工・従軍慰安婦など戦争責任と戦後処理の問題があり、いまだに「東アジア人」としての一体感や連帯感の育つ環境ではない。しかし、それは主として政府間のことで、日常生活の中では人々の国境を超えた接触・交流の機会が増大し、次第に視野は東アジアに拡大している。　本稿は、その状況の中で東アジア共同体「構想」を推進するための基礎的で現実的なステップを追求する。

　東アジアは地政学的な力学で激動期を迎え、それまでの統合主義的な国際関係が混とんとしている。米国の後退と中国の台頭という二つの大国の対照的な変化により、東アジアという地域総体が過去20年間の協調的、融和的な東アジアか、対立的・分断的な東アジアかの岐路に立っている。東アジアの連帯、すなわち前者の融和的な東アジアを目指し、どのような研究回路に基づき、地域の安定に寄与するためにどのような研究課題を模索すべきかが問われている。政治的、経済的にも停滞し、「歴史の終わり」を漂い続け、新たな歴史の創造から遠ざかる日本と、東アジアだけでなく世界の安定に不可欠な超大国となりつつある中国、いわゆる新旧の“東アジアの盟主”的な大国の布置を意識した、東アジア国際秩序の新たな研究回路についての論点を整理してみたい。

This paper revisits the debate on urbanism by clarifying how people living in Asian megacities construct personal networks to maintain or improve the quality of their urban lives. It focuses on personal networks utilised as individual’s risk response in Asian megacities, where more dynamic urbanisation progress, with a different cultural background to western societies. Using a common questionnaire, middle- and lower-class residents of Bangkok, Shanghai and Tokyo were surveyed. The analysis revealed that the structure of personal support networks differs depending on individual’s status (middle or lower classes) in Bangkok and Shanghai, and that people’s re-embedding into community can be observed in kinship in Shanghai, local communities in Bangkok, and association communities in Tokyo. The result suggests urban life in East Asian megacities does not follow a gradual linear progression of individualisation but has developed in a unique manner. The correlations of self-assessed life satisfaction with the size of enacted and perceived support networks were not clearly found, though with the quality (physical and psychological intimacy) of perceived networks with family members show a positive correlation in all surveyed cities. The given traditional relationship, kinships in particular, people are embedded in are likely the core of individual’s life, even though who are included there varies in three cities. It can be seen as a characteristic of East Asian urbanisation, yet further research is required to distinguish between the impact of the factors of urbanisation and local contexts.

Max Weber is one of the canonical three masters in classical sociology, having contributed his formidable mind toward consolidating the foundations of the field. However, the seemingly dense base erected by the trio is a lopsided one, since Weber—widely regarded as the Master of East-West Historical Comparison—was unable, for the most part, to throw off the mantle of nineteenth-century historicism. Indeed, Weber amassed little erudition about China and therefore should be reevaluated as a discredit to classical sociology. This article examines why students around the world, including those from China who ought to know better, have relied on the misguided claims made by Weber, despite their being no basis in Chinese historical records to support those claims.