In the Mycenaean tablets, the word po-ti-ni-ja (Potnia) occurs mainly in religious contexts The object of this paper is to study this divine name, examining the Linear B texts Examples of Potnia can be classified into three kinds, (1) Potnia without any modification, (2) Potnia with modifying words, (3) derivatives The most crucial discussion that has been raised about Potnia is whether it is used as an epithet or is the real name of a certain goddess Among those who think it an epithet or a generic term, J Leuven develops his idea by allocating Olympian Goddesses to each case according to the context, for example, e-re-wi-jo po-ti-ni-ja should be Hera, po-ti-ni-ja a-si-wi-ja Artemis, po-ti-ni-ja with no modification Aphrodite and so on His interpretation is persuasive enough for Potnia with modifying words, but insufficient in cases when Potnia occurs alone, that is, he fails to explain why Potnia as an epithet could be used without any modification This surely would have caused much confusion if there had been no common notion about Potnia Moreover he neglects the fact that divine names such as Hera and Artemis are actually mentioned in the tablets, which would have made it unnecessary to say e-re-wi-jo po-ti-ni-ja instead of Hera Having examined all examples of Potnia, I think the word is neither an epithet nor a generic term, but the real name of a goddess She appears to have been worshipped over a broad area of the Mycenaean world, because we can find her name in every Mycenaean site which has Linear B tablets All Mycenaeans would have been able to understand who was mentioned even if it was written as just Potnia However, at the same time, she must have had some kind of locality As the modifying words of place names show, she would have some unique cult at each site The third and most conspicuous characteristics of Potnia is her close relationship with animals and vegetation, as is shown by words such as po-ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja and si-to-po-ti-ni-ja The divinity who satisfies all these aspects of universality and locality, animals and vegetation can be none other than the Mother Goddess or Earth Mother I conclude, therefore, that Potnia is the Mycenaean name of the Mother Goddess The Mother Goddess was worshipped widely in the Mediterranean world before the proto-Greeks came from the north, and she was called "the Lady" in Anatolian Hence the word "Potnia" is the Greek translation of her name Her name was Greek, but Near Eastern in origin As she was the goddess of the Earth, the Greeks seem to have begun to call her "Gaia", and the name "Potnia" became obsolete It must have been thought that the name "Gaia" conveyed her reality more accurately However she left her trace in the Olympian Goddesses of later times All the Olympian Goddesses have a vegetation-cult trait, even Artemis, as is seen in Euripides' "Hippolytos", and the name Hera also used to mean "the lady" or "the queen" as a derivative of ηρωζ It means that they took various aspects from Potnia in the process of fusion and differentiation of so many primitive goddesses In Sophocles' "Philoctetes", the Chorus cries out to the Earth, "ματερ ποτνια" (395) The word order of this phrase clearly shows that ποτνια is not an epithet The Greeks of the classical period had perceived that, as a vague memory in the undercurrent of their minds, Potnia is the Earth Mother

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The present paper has two purposes The first is to present the author's basic theory concerning the first person in the epinicion by briefly surveying Pindaric scholarship In particular, the author suggests that the epinician "ego" should be understood in a way similar to the "ego" of the choral song in Greek Tragedy It is the chorus that stands in the epmicion as the first person This "ego" is a momentary and fictional person existing only as long as one particular epinicion is performed Thus, we should not use Bundy's term, laudator or enkomiast, with its connotation of a person existing continuously as this "ego", but rather we should use ταμιαζ κωμων (I 6 57 f) Moreover, this "ego" has nothing to do with the poets themselves as historical persons The second purpose is to offer evidence to supporting this theory Here, the author observes two typical cases where "ego" appears in epinician poetry In the first typical case "ego" appears together with the Muses To get a clear picture of the stylistic features of the phrases we find here, the "ego"-Muse relations of early, non-choral Greek poetry are cited This comparison allows us to see, among other things, an obvious distinction between the two "ego"-Muse relations of these genres of poetry, in the epinicion their relation is always expressed with physical movements (ιφτημι, αφικνεομαι, φερω etc), while in the other genre it is expressed without such accompaniments, i e , their relation is expressed as that of the phone (αειδω, κλυθι etc ) The reason for this is, the author believes, that the "ego" in the epinicion is the chorus commanding physical movements while, in non-choral poetry, "ego", either a bard or poet, sings without physical movement The author names this characteristic feature of epinician poetry the βασιζ-expression, and considers this expression the direct reflection of the βασιζ (march, dance, gesture etc, on βασιζ see P 1 2) of the chorus We also find that there exist only four types of such expression (1) the coming and going of human beings, (2) the shooting, (3) the coming and going of boats, (4) the coming and going of chariots or carts The types themselves are created on the assumption that they reflect directly the βασιζ of the chorus Moreover, the very fact that they encompass all the sentences with "ego"-Muse relations makes this typology more plausible In addition they make clear the true characters of the epinician style Second the author observes the so-called "Abbruchsformel" wherein we find a large number of sentences in or with the first person Here too, βασιζ-expressions are consistently used and the number and the kinds of the types are the same as in the preceding case Thus, the validity of the theory that the chorus stands as the first person in epinician poetry is confirmed Furthermore, phrases with functions resembling those of "Abbruchsformel" found in Georgica and Ars Amatoria are cited to give an exact account of the "metaphorical" expressions of "Abbruchsformel" (this "Formel" has been presumed to be made of metaphor) In the "metaphorical" sentences of "Abbruchsformel" we cannot find sentences with the characteristics of metaphor, e g words or phrases which unite the two levels of expressions Yet, these characteristics can be easily found in the phrases of Georgica and Ars Amatoria, such as G 2 542 f and A A 2 425 f Thus, the "metaphors" found in the epinicion are, in fact, not metaphors What, then, exactly are they ? Their true nature can be interpreted, the author believes, as such Singing and making βασειζ at the same time, the chorus create two flows, i e, one of βασειζ and one of words, and the βασιζ corresponding to the core of "Abbruchsformel", ie αφισταμαι,

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The idea of the state supplying soldiers with rations was rather new for the Greeks in the second half of the fifth century B C Previously, it had been common for hoplites to supply rations as well as weapons for themselves and for their expeditions to conclude in a short time It wasn't until Athens began, around 470 B C, calling out citizens for naval expeditions that provisioning came into common practice, particularly when Athens was fighting Persia and trying to dominate the sea Since the seminal work of K Tanzer, the provisioning of soldiers has been studied mostly as an aspect of the history of military systems, and especially as a theory of supply This paper argues that the principle of state provisioning of soldiers, first established in Athens, became a basic factor in the predominance of sea power Pericles (Thuc I 141-44) and the author of Athenaion Politeia (Ps Xenophon) both explained the value of naval domination and the strategic predominance of Athens as a sea power by pointing out the inferiority of land expeditions depending on the traditional supply system Though they emphasized the mobility of a navy, naval supply was more restricted than that of the army Thus, as naval operations elicited new battle conditions unsuited to traditional supply systems, Athens established a principle whereby the state secured the living of soldiers on the basis of payment of money for rations The predominance of sea power insisted upon a solution of the provisioning problem Thus, it is easy to understand the importance of funds in long war and the strategy of abandoning the Attic fields The new principle was not only a prerequisite for the effective activity of the navy, but also contributed to the development of democracy in Athens by building a state where demos could play a more active role

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It is often thought that the Eleatic stranger introduced the myth in the Politicus, with a view to recalling our minds from resting in an ideal, i e, the so-called Golden Age of Cronos in which harmony is completely realized, it remains for us to take account of the imperfect conditions of our actual world But, as H Herter correctly surmised, modern attempts to find an ideal state or community in the reign of Cronos seem unsuccessful It is clear from the text that the measure of human happiness is the pursuit of philosophy (272 B-C), and the cycle of Cronos is characterized by forgetfulness (272 A 2) In this way, the reign of Cronos is far from a model, serving rather as a foil for our present cycle Yet the story is combined with a complicated cosmological theory according to which, in one era, the cosmos is assisted on its way by its Creator, and in another era, when He releases control, the cosmos begins to revolve with its own motion Moreover, the cosmos periodically reverses the direction of its rotation How, then, can this strange theory be harmonized with our abovementioned interpretation? The aim of this paper is to reexamine the cosmology of the Politicus in detail, and to question the cause of this retrograde motion Then, on the basis of this analysis, we finally ask what Plato's real intention is when he seeks a definition of the true statesman in the cycle of Zeus Conclusions (1) The cosmos cannot free itself from change owing to its bodily nature, but it tries to maintain its uniformity, like that of the Forms, so far as it can Thus it has acquired the motion of a circle (269 D 5-E 4) I take την ανακυκλησιν at 269 E 3 as the circular movement, not as the reversal of rotation (as many scholars since Campbell), since it is not clear from this why the cosmos must move in reverse In this section, we must notice that it is not said that the retrograde motion is caused because of some bodily element of the cosmos Scholars make a mistake when they take it that the retrograde motion is simply equivalent to disorderly motion Since the cosmos has a circular motion, albeit in reverse direction, we must suppose behind it the intelligence, i e φρονησιζ, with which it is endowed by the Creator, even though, as time goes on, its recollection grows dim due to the material element in its composition (2) The reason why the weakness of World-Soul is stressed in the Politicus in comparison with the Timaeus or Leges X, is because of the need to show that in each era the cosmos and human beings undergo the same παθοζ In the age of Cronos, both the cosmos and human beings pass time idly On the other hand, in the age of Zeus, they both have to direct their own lives (274 D) Still, the care of the Creator is not entirely excluded in the period of Zeus, and even then the cosmos is governed by Him indirectly through the φρονησιζ (or διδαχη) Thus, abiding by it is best for human beings as well as for the World-Soul Although we cannot but set men as rulers over men, the best thing that we can do is to set a man having intelligence over other men Plato wanted to show this in the encompassing context of cosmic history

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Book VIII of the Politics is generally regarded as practical treatise on music education In fact, though, it is a theoretical treatise on music in which Aristotle attaches importance to two essential powers that music has, i e <<pleasure>> and <<influence upon the manner of dealing with (ethos) of soul>> His consideration of the former is based on his other discussions of pleasure, and that of the latter, on his theory of imitation First, he divides the ends of music into (i) amusement, i e relaxation, (ii) education, and (iii) action m the leisure as ultimate end He then compares (i) with (iii), bringing into relief the characteristic of the pleasure contained in (iii) Furthermore, he speaks of (ii) as preparatory training for (iii), in an attempt to illustrate the essentials of this pleasure Subsequently, he defines <<the pleasure as produced by the nature>> (i e activity of the sound faculty of hearing) to be common to all men He then picks up that which is suitable for the education of <<the habit of dealing with (arete)>> (i e moral virtue non-individuated) from <<the influence upon the manner of dealing with of soul>> which is inseparably connected with that pleasure, and applies it to music education by introducing his theory of imitation-according to which there is an immediate resemblance between <<the manner of dealing with of soul>> and the mele which imitate them The task of music education is to habituate the young to be able to judge correctly the beautiful mele, by using words analogically to describe <<the manner of dealing with>> in the actions It is this analogy between their two uses that is the very point which has been overlooked by traditional interpretations Although the <<correct judgement>> is impossible without the activity of the faculty of hearing, it is no more its activity, but that of <<the habit of dealing with>> (moral virtue non-individuated) And the enjoyment on the correct judgement is nothing but the pleasure which perfects this activity , so that two sorts of pleasures are contained in the use of music for the leisure as the ultimate end Therefore, it may be said that Aristotle does not only approve of the pleasure in music such that it is so (i e pleasure as produced by the nature), but also prescribes the one such that it should be so (i e pleasure as perfecting the activity of <<the habit of dealing with>>, and suggests to us the horizon where a community of souls could be established in music

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In 89 B C, the First Mithridatic War began in Asia Minor between Rome and Pontus It was difficult for either nation to gain a victory without the broad support of the Greek city-states and the native Asians This paper will elucidate the political attitudes of the city-states in Asia Minor to the Roman and Pontic soldiers Attention will be focused on the attitudinal trends of the populations of the cities, and, in particular, the social and political situations deciding these attitudes will be explained With the advance of Pontic army, cities and individuals were pressed to decide whether to support or oppose the anti-Roman uprising led by Mithridates, king of Pontus The widely held belief is that upper class citizens were inclined to support the Romans in order to maintain their privileges while the dominated and exploited lower classes were pro-Mithridatic It would, however, be a mistake to suggest that the entire upper and lower classes determined their respective attitudes by some unanimous consent Indeed, it was difficult for upper class leaders to choose between two great countries such as Rome and Pontus, or to know which would eventually be more favorable for their future prosperity Thus, the only way was to act flexibly in a real political situation An incident at Ephesus was a typical example The Ephesians who had initially supported Mithridates later accused him of being an aggressor when the war began to develop favorably for Rome, and they rose in a revolt against Pontus which then spread to many other cities On the other hand, when the upper class citizens recognized the overwhelming victory of Mithndates, some responded to the situation by becoming anti-Roman Still others watched the changing situation in silence Only the lower class might have been cosistently anti-Roman Mithridates was essentially a despotic monarch and indifferent to the tradition of liberty and autonomy of the Greek city-states He himself embodied a contradiction Had he not been a tyrant, he would not have been able to take command of a great war against Rome Yet, as a tyrant, he could not deny his exploitation of the cities and the Asian people Only when he pursued the cities' interest and covered up his essential despotic nature did both the upper and lower class citizens support him and rush into the anti-Roman movement And yet, when the situation changed again and Mithridates' true nature showed itself, these same cities were compelled to leave him In this way, the attitudes of the cities, representing the collective will of the upper and the lower classes, responded to his contradictory nature

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The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the role of patronage, by investigating its practice in Italian communities under the Empire Most scholars have argued that the patronage of communities, as well as other kinds of patronage, had lost their significance under the Empire In recent years, however, some scholars have asserted that patronage continued playing an important role in Roman society under the Empire Accordingly, the author investigates such patronage First, the author analyses the status of communal patrons, and finds that while, in the 1st Century, Imperial leaders of the Empire had the majority of patrons, by the 2nd Century it was the native leaders who did so Secondly, he investigates cases which elucidate the process of coopting communal patrons The case of Aquinum (CIL X 5393) shows that, in the 1st century, some communal patrons were sent to communities by the Emperors in order to calm internal quarrels The cases of Ferentinum and Tifernum Tiberinum (CIL VI 1492 & Plinius, epistulae VI 1) show that, in the 2nd century, the communities themselves, rather, took the initiative in coopting patrons by making patronage an honorary function and position Thus, the patronage of communities in Italy did not lose its significance at the beginning of the Empire but in the early 2nd century

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